L’âme-daimon och kontinuiteten med orienten

Samtidigt som individualitetsmedvetandet, i den större differentieringsprocess vars analys Eric Voegelin kompletterat och fördjupat med en del nya insikter, kom att skilja grekerna från de främreorientaliska storrikena fanns även ett mått av kontinuitet med orienten, i viss mån inklusive den bortre orienten.

Denna kontinutitet är uppenbar på ett område i den tidiga grekiska föreställningsvärlden som är av vikt både i allmänhet och för förståelsen av personbegreppet och dess senare utveckling. J-P. Vernant fäster uppmärksamheten på betydelsen för det senare filosofiska tänkandet av ett själsbegrepp som han med bruk av den term inte minst Sokrates senare i en relaterad betydelse använde kallar “l’âme-daimon”. Det omfattades av tidiga grekiska filosofisk-religiösa grupper, inte minst pythagoréerna, och motsvarade österländska föreställningar både i sig själv och i det att det var relaterat till en särskild praktik, till vissa andliga övningar.

Denna typ av praktik, som särskilt betonats av Pierre Hadot, kom i själva verket att bli central för filosofin under antiken, vid sidan av den rent spekulativa som förenade filosofin med naturvetenskapen i dess embryonala manifestationsformer. Filosofin under antiken kom att samtidigt kännetecknas av differentieringsprocessens resultat i form av dess icke-traditionalistiska (i Guénons mening) princip och orientering å ena sidan, och παιδεία i en vidgad betydelse som omfattade en andlig inriktning och som i sin universalitet konvergerade mot traditionalismen (Coomaraswamy accepterar detta i betydligt större utsträckning än Guénon). Den sistnämnda fick också en spekulativ motsvarighet i det att redan Platon, i sitt motstånd mot filosofins snabba utveckling, som principiellt anti-traditionell, mot skepticism och sofism, systematiskt införlivade, anpassade och rentav förstärkte traditionalistiska åskådningsmässiga moment i filosofins helhet genom ett nytt slags rationell bearbetning. Den framväxande humanistiska dimensionen kom i viss mån att balanseras och kompletteras av en andlig och metafysisk, som å sin sida dock normalt inte frigjordes från den förra på det sätt som var vanligt i orienten, utan, som oftast i platonismen, stannade vid målet av människans förädling och försjälsligande som sådan.

Vernant beskriver dock med hjälp av deras egna formuleringar det själsbegrepp de i sak s.a.s. traditionaliserande filosofiska riktningarna och grupperna omfattade och som entydigt går utöver den humanistiska idealismen, men betonar kanske alltför ensidigt sådant som togs fasta på av kristna motståndare alltifrån de anti-gnostiska fäderna:

“L’âme apparaît dans l’homme comme un élément étranger à la vie terrestre, un être venu d’ailleurs et en exil, apparenté au divin…La psuche n’est plus alors, comme chez Homère, cette fumée inconsistante, ce fantôme sans relief et sans force qui s’exhale de l’homme à son dernier souffle, c’est une puissance installée au coeur de l’homme vivant, sur laquelle il a prise, qu’il a pour tâche de développer, de purifier, de libérer…c’est en s’opposant au corps, en s’excluant du corps que l’âme conquiert son objectivité et sa forme propre d’existence. La découverte de l’intériorité va de pair avec l’affirmation du dualisme somato-psychologique. L’âme se définit comme le contraire du corps; elle est enchaînée ainsi qu’en une prison, ensevelie comme en un tombeau. Le corps se trouve donc au départ exclu de la personne, sans lien avec l’individualité du sujet.” [‘La personne dans la religion grecque’, i I. Meyerson, ed., Problèmes de la personne, 1973, 35 f.; jfr Erwin Rodhe, Psyche (1890-94 (1910)), II, 131-3, 185 f. et passim. Rodhe såg dock icke betydelsen för personbegreppet: ibid., II, 161 f.]

Om vi bortser från bilden av kroppen som ett fängelse och en grav för själen och de extrema asketiska hållning som blir följden, finner vi här en förståelse av subjektet och vad vi idag klarare kommit att förstå som medvetandet, bevetenheten, varvaron, varsevaron, som relaterade till andligheten snarare än kroppen – en i sig riktig position, även om formuleringar av detta slag uttrycker en omedelbar, s.a.s. populär nivå av förståelse, och man i det större och högre filosofiska perspektivet exempelvis i stället på visst sätt måste förstå kroppen som belägen i själen snarare än själen som fångad i kroppen.

I själva upplevelsen av dualiteten som sådan, allmänt förstådd, och själens väsen och primat finns dock ingenting särskilt exotiskt, märkvärdigt eller extremt. Den kan och har formulerats också på filosofiskt mer fullständiga, precisa och riktiga sätt. Österlandet ägde redan vid den tid Vernant beskriver en mer avancerad förståelse av allt detta. I sina många olika formuleringar har den fortlevt genom årtusendena, och är kanske idag, parallellt med en ny typ av uppskattning av kroppen, mer utbredd och omfattad i västerlandet än någonsin sedan denna tid.

Kristna teologer bemödar sig sedan länge att, i linje med 1900-talets kroppsligt-sexuella frigörelssträvan, starkt ta avstånd från ökenfädernas och andras asketiska excesser och förklara hur mycket kyrkan och Bibeln i motsats till den av Vernant beskrivna åskådningen värderar kroppen, sinnligheten, o.s.v. Onekligen har de i mycket rätt i sin betoning av Bibelns syn på människan som den Skapade Människan med stort S och stort M, en Enhet med stort E av kropp, själ och ande. Vi finner en oöverstiglig ontologisk dualism mellan Skaparen och det skapade, och människan tillhör till alla delar det senare. Det är en central läropunkt att inte ens den högsta andliga delen av människan i sig ontologiskt är av samma väsen (ὁμοούσιος/consubstantialis) med Gudomen på det sätt endast Jesus förklarades vara, eller ens med någon andlig natur som går utöver den dödliga fysisk-psykiska. Idag framlyfts framför allt det Gamla Testamentet som jordiskt, köttigt, sinnligt, vilket sägs motsvara livsglädje o.s.v. Dualism på detta plan och den därav med förment nödvändighet följande asketismen avfärdas som främmande grekiska inslag, som dock tydligen alltför mycket formar även det egna Nya Testamentet.

Den kristna ortodoxin går ju så långt att den i sin dunkla eskatologi och soteriologi fastslår kroppens återuppståndelse som en grundläggande dogm, och en viktig judisk riktning omfattade också denna lära. Något liv bortom kroppen, någon möjlighet att i detta liv höja sig till ett verkligt transcendent plan, finns inte, trots att dessa alltid redan är givna genom själva medvetandet. I Gamla Testamentet finns heller inte – utöver några få marginella ord som snarast för tankarna till Homeros’ skuggrike – någon föreställning om liv efter kroppen, eller någon föreställning om vad som brukar omtalas som “liv efter döden”, och ett sådant liv förnekades explicit av sadducéerna. Endast genom vad som i detta andliga och åskådningsmässiga klimat kom att framstå som de “mystika” riktningarna tycks gradvis i judendomen och kristendomen ha utvecklats föreställningar som delvis motsvarade de orientaliska och deras partiella motsvarigheter i den grekiska “mysticismen” i dess olika former.

Så skedde dock, och ofta i en utsträckning som trots de stora skillnader bibelteologin i övrigt medför gör att den radikala dikotomi och motsats mellan de olika traditionerna som ibland insisteras på lätt framstår som överdriven. Och självfallet behöver man inte heller, och bör man inte, acceptera den fanatiska asketism och kropps- och världsförnekelse som onekligen av olika skäl kom att känneteckna vissa riktningar, före såväl som upptagna i de abrahamitiska traditionerna, och inte minst som en gren av vad kyrkan förstod som “gnosticismen”, för att förstå läran om l’âme-daimon som grund och säte för interioriteten och subjektiviteten. L’âme-daimons upplevelse av att vara “enchaînée ainsi qu’en une prison, ensevelie comme en un tombeau” är kännetecknande för ett stadium av andlig utveckling där dess andliga natur förvisso uppfattats, men ännu bara som radikalt skild från erfarenheten av kroppen och sinnevärlden: medvetandeutvecklingen tycks i denna del av världen ännu inte ha nått den nivå där erfarenheten av andlighetens alltgenomträngande aspekt, dess närvaro också i hela den fenomenella världen och dess förnimmelse, förverkligats. Som alltid i grekiskt tänkande är också den mer exakta bestämningen av l’âme-daimons nivå, av själens och andens olika nivåer, d.v.s. vad som är ren bevetenhet och vad som ligger på ett psykiskt, vilje-, känslo- och temperamentsmässigt plan, skiftande och oklara.

Dagens helt dominerande, i hög grad New Age-influerade andlighet ser dock ingen som helst koppling mellan andlighet och kropps- och världsförnekelse, utan bejakar bekymmerslöst såväl kroppen, de kroppsliga sinnena o.s.v. som andligheten, oavsett nivå av förverkligande av den senare. New Age och denna närstående typer av andlighet som sedan 1800-talet blivit verkligt stora i väst och redan, parallellt med östs omvända anammande av västs materiella kultur gjort själva distinktionen mellan öst och väst alltmer överspelad, saknar naturligtvis på flera områden urskillning, och är influerad av samma karaktäristiska och problematiska moderna strömningar som kyrkan och kulturen och politiken i allmänhet. Men de har i stora drag förstått viktiga delar av såväl den österländska andligheten som den partiellt motsvarande västerländska esoterismens. Att vi, som det uttryckts, ytterst inte är mänskliga varelser som har andliga upplevelser, utan andliga varelser som har mänskliga upplevelser.

Inte minst tycks många klart ha uppfattat att glädjen eller snarare lyckan (ananda) inte egentligen härrör från sinnena och sinnesföremålen endast som sådana, utan alltid, även i och genom sinnena, från den levande andliga naturen (atman-brahman) i dess olika aspekter, från livets innersta och djupaste andliga väsen. Och i linje med denna förståelse har de antingen omtolkat kristendomen (och judendomen) till överensstämmelse med dessa läror, eller helt enkelt bara direkt anslutit sig till de senare.

De striktare av Vernant beskrivna filosofisk-religiösa gruppernas förbindelse med de österländska traditionerna skiljer alltså deras åskådning (“une puissance installée au coeur de l’homme vivant, sur laquelle il a prise, qu’il a pour tâche de développer, de purifier, de libérer”, “sa forme propre d’existence”, “l’intériorité”) från den hos Homeros avspeglade åskådningen (“cette fumée inconsistante, ce fantôme sans relief et sans force qui s’exhale de l’homme à son dernier souffle”), vilket ställt forskningen inför frågan om arten och omfattningen, alltifrån denna tid, av österländsk påverkan. Förutom hos pythagoréerna återfanns föreställningen om l’âme-daimon också inom orficismen, i mysteriereligionerna, och alltså hos gnostikerna. [Rodhe följer systematiskt denna själsuppfatting från homerisk tid till Plotinos.] Men det var framför allt Sokrates’ och Platons sätt att återuppprätta, vidareföra och utveckla denna uppfattning som blev av betydelse för framtiden.

Vad Vernant här särskilt fäster uppmärksamheten på är emellertid detta själsbegrepps, l’âme-daimons, betydelse för det senare personbegreppet. Själen framstår som identisk med den enskilda levande varelsen, och vi skulle säga att själen var personen, det personliga väsendet, att personskapet var något som tillkom denna självständiga själ snarare än kroppen i sig. [Jfr även R. Hirzel, Die Person: Begriff und Name derselben im Altertum (1914), 29.] Detta är i stor utsträckning en annan fråga än den om subjektiviteten och medvetandet. Kopplad till individualiteten och denna tillhöriga singulära attribut hos människan, är personskapet inte på samma sätt lätt att tänka i avskildhet från kroppen.

Förvisso är subjektiviteten och bevetenheten, själen eller åtminstone den psykiska delen av det psykofysiska komplex som är människan, också centralt för personskapet: som vi kommit att förstå detta efter den långa utveckling begreppet historiskt genomgått på olika nivåer, kan det verkligen inte reduceras till kroppen. Masken och rollen har försetts med en rikt utvecklad interioritet. Men måste ändå inte den individualitetsbärande kroppen fortfarande medräknas och innefattas? Den ursprungliga mask- och rollbetydelsen markerar det tillfälliga, yttre, oegentliga och ytliga. Kroppsdimensionen, fastän också tillfällig och yttre, uppvisar med sin individualitet, unicitet, singularitet, däremot sidor, även egentliga och djupa, som vi förstår som centrala för personskapet.

Individualitetsmedvetande och bildningsideal

Individualitetsmedvetandet är, som jag nämnt, ett av de typiska drag som länge ansågs känneteckna grekerna, i högre grad än den forntida orienten. Thukydides’ kända återgiving av Perikles’ begravningstal, hans s.k. ἐπιτάφιος λόγος, brukar betraktas som en klassisk locus där skillnaden i anda kan tydligt förnimmas. Individualitetsmedvetandet framstår här i dess sammanhang med Athens statsskick och hela kultur och tradition.

Athenaren är liksom andra hellener bunden vid stadsstaten. Men det är just genom dennas begränsning och karaktär som han kommit att äga en ny och annorlunda känsla för värdet och värdigheten i den personliga uniciteten – till skillnad mot vad som var förhållandet i den centralistisk-hierarkiska despotism som av grekerna själva, åtminstone alltsedan Herodotos, ansågs prägla perserriket och orienten i allmänhet. Med sin frihet och demokrati profilerar sig grekerna mot den främre orientens slutet kosmologiska politisk-religiösa ordning.

Detta individualitetsmedvetande var alltså ett faktum på Perikles’ tid. Redan hos Homeros finner vi naturligtvis ofta en blick för enskilda karaktärer och de i vår tids mening personliga särdragens betydelse för handlingar och skeenden. Så är fallet också i det attiska dramat. Det “förterminologiska” persontänkandet kan också i stor utsträckning sägas vara förhanden i vad som kan kallas det karaktäristiska, mer allmänna grekiska och romerska bildningstänkandet.

Platons och Aristoteles filosofiska och pedagogiska idéer, där beskrivningen av utbildningen är nära relaterad till deras helhetliga åskådningar, Platons fokus på filosofens egenskaper och Aristoteles’ utläggningar om karaktärens utveckling genom vanornas formande, om den sanna vänskapen som förutsättande denna kultivering o.s.v. – allt detta kretsade kring en verklighet som senare delvis, utöver den allmänhumanistiska terminologin, kom att beskrivas i personlighetens. Deras ideal motsvarade inte riktigt den i sin latinska form kända, av Terentius räddade sentensen från Menandros: homo sum, humani nil a me alienum puto (jag är människa och jag anser intet mänskligt vara mig främmande), som senare för många kommit att definiera en humanistisk hållning. En hel del mänskligt var för dem främmande: den formationskultur de beskriver präglas av urskillning, uppnåendet av moralisk karaktär är en process i vilken människans högre, ädlare, förnuftiga och andliga sida utvecklas och hennes lägre sidor avvecklas eller åtminstone behärskas.

Werner Jaegers klassiska verk om παιδεία fokuserar emellertid på den grekiska karaktärsdaningen och de allmänna grekiska humanistiska personlighetsidealen som produkter av den grekiska kulturens utveckling i dess helhet, alltifrån den arkaiska tiden. Fastän det konkreta fokus för idealens förverkligande är just den individuella mänskliga personens karaktär, ses kulminationen av detta förverkligande såväl som av dess artikulation under den klassiska perioden som oupplösligt förenat med stadsstatens sociala och allmänkulturella förutsättningar.

Under loppet av retorn Isokrates’ liv övergick den hellenska egenarten till historieromantik och program i vältaligheten. Stadsstaterna ersattes av hellenismens långt mer kosmopolitiska och individualistiska storriken. Idealen levde vidare, samtidigt som deras historiska förutsättningar förändrades. Under den hellenistiska eran blir individualitetsmedvetandet i allt högre grad till individualism. Termen person härrör från teatern, och i den hellenistiska erans dramatik, exemepelvis hos Menandros, har känslan för den unika individualiteten redan drag av denna individualism.

Theofrastos Karaktärer, ett verk från denna tid, försöker naturligtvis beskriva allmänna typer. Men vi lär oss lika mycket om författarens tid och miljö och dess människor som om dessa typer, och i jämförelse med filosofins spekulationer om den allmänna mänskliga naturen och om människans idé innebar detta verk, och andra liknande exempel, ett steg i riktning mot ett mer speciellt och partikulariserat människostudium. Menandros anses ha lånat åtskilligt i gestaltandet av sina konkreta dramatiska rollpersoner från just Theofrastos. Till skillnad från Platons och Aristoteles diskussioner framställdes i denna nya typ av karaktärsstudium varken ideal eller idéer, utan varnande exempel. Och den exklusiva, urskiljande, elitistiska och aristokratiska idealismen kompletterades gradvis med en allsidigare humanitet, som, utan att därför urskillningslöst acceptera dem, något som vore oförenligt med idealets kontinuitet, ändå ville uppfatta människans värdighet även med hennes brister och svagheter.

Den hellenistiska och romerska litteraturen bär rikhaltigt vittnesbörd om ett individualitetsmedvetande sprunget ur livet själv och den samhälleliga och kulturella verkligheten, ett medvetande som på olika sätt fortfarande växelverkar och samspelar med de allmänna, från det klassiska Grekland traderade och kontinuerligt tolkade och utlagda idealen. I skönlitteraturen kunde människostudiet självfallet ytterligare individualiseras. Här finns exempel på en större mångfald av formella och innehållsliga konventioner, men också på större frihet från och en bättre individuell tillägnelse av dem än vad vi under många århundraden skulle finna i den efterföljande kristna enhetskulturen.

Den hellenska bildningen övertogs av romarna som ideal. Ciceros humanitas var ett försök att vidareföra grekernas παιδεία. Men det innebar att det var ett försök att i romerskt sammahang uttrycka som ideal något som i Grekland i åtminstone högre grad kunnat bli en verklighet. Den allmänhellenistiska föreställningen om den av förnuftet behärskade och därmed såväl fria som harmoniskt utvecklade människan, med blicken riktad mot det offentliga livet, men hyllande filosofins primat, sammanfattades i föreställningen om humanitas, den grekisk-romerska kulturmänniskans ideal. Det var varken en definition eller en beskrivning av personligheten i vår moderna mening, utan ett ideal för dess utveckling: som sådant hade det naturligtvis en tydlig “klassicistisk” karaktär av allmänhet: det var inte bara den enes eller den andres ideal, knutet till hans egen individualitet, utan om – i slavsamhället knappast allas eller ens mångas – men åtminstone fleras.

Sådana ideal för personligheten och dess utveckling kan inte förbises i det historiska studiet av personbegreppet. De växelverkar ofta på väsentliga och medvetet reflekterade sätt med den personliga individualiteten på olika nivåer, från det rent mänskliga, i mer kroppslig mening, till det själsliga och andliga. Men ett ideal är inte riktigt samma sak som en platonsk idé. Människans bildningsideal innehåller annat än den människans idé som vi ser som den platonska och som står i ett visst förhållande till sinnevärldens individuella människor. Det innehåller också annat än den själens idé, som hos Filon står i ett visst förhållande till de individuella själarna. I spänningsfältet mellan idé, människa, själ och ideal utspelar sig mycket av det som är av betydelse för personbegreppet.

Men  man måste konstatera att vi redan begränsats till den tillfälliga, förgängliga, rent humanistiska nivån på ett historiskt nytt sätt som kom att definiera västerlandet och som innebar ett anmärkningsvärt förytligande. Ur den verkliga filosofiska insiktens perspektiv, som inga moderna historiker tycks äga, är det en grov okunnighet och hopplös fåfänglighet, ett groteskt kvardröjande på de tidigaste och mest omogna av livets utvecklingsstadier, att endast, ja även att huvudsakligen pyssla med Människans, d.v.s. den förbiflimrande, alltid inom kort sjuknande och döende mänskliga psyko-fysiska apparatens kulturella och egenskapsmässiga förfining. Det är att i grunden missförstå verkligheten och kasta bort sitt liv. Och det är något hela civilisationer visat sig kunna vara inriktade på att befrämja.

Begreppet och termen person

De betydelser som från början knöts till termen person utvecklades gradvis, och förbands med tiden med mer och mindre närliggande begreppsligt innehåll i en process som i vissa avseenden också lät dessa betydelser förändras. Roger Benjamin skriver i sin studie Notion de personne et personnalisme chrétien från 1971 att “L’idée est apparue à des dates diverses dans des sociétés qui en ont pris peu à peu conscience, sans arriver dans la plupart des cas à lui donner un contenu précis.” [Op.cit. 12.] Han citerar sociologen Marcel Mauss: “La croissance s’est faite…’au cours de longs siècles et à travers de nombreuses vicissitudes, tellement qu’elle est encore, aujourd’hui même, flottante, délicate, précieuse, et à élaborer davantage.’” [Ibid.; Mauss, Sociologie et antropologie (1950), 333.]

Även Jean Daniélou framhåller hur “c’est dans de secteurs très divers que commencent à surgir des éléments qui finalement se cristalliseront dans ce qu’aujourd’hui cette notion de ‘personne’ présente de très riche.” På de grekiska kyrkofädernas tid är personterminologin

“pas encore intégré à l’expérience de ce que nous appellons la personne. C’est pourquoi nous avons parlé d’abord du vocabulaire de la personne, sans qu’il s’agisse de la personne humaine – et ensuite de la personne humaine, mais sans rencontrer le vocabulaire de la personne. Nous trouvons des expériences correspondant à ce que nous mettrons sous ce mot, mais ces expériences n’ont pas encore rejoint le mot.” [‘La personne chez les pères grecs’, i I. Meyerson, utg., Problèmes de la personne (1973), 113 f., 120 f.]

Liksom de flesta som studerat begreppet och dess historia återkommer också Benjamin till dess inte bara mångdimensionella och mångfacetterade utan i vissa avseenden också ofta fascinerande svårfångade, vaga, undanglidande karaktär, samtidigt som han betonar dess centrala betydelse och dess rikedom och djup. [Benjamin, 7 f., 14, 17 f.]

Adolf Trendelenburg belyste i sin kända uppsats ‘Zur Geschichte des Wortes Person’ också ordets frapperande betydelseförändringar genom den västerländska historien, hur “die Person, persona, d.h. die vorgehängte Maske, die den angenommenen Schein bedeutet, zum Ausdruck des innersten sittlichen Wesens, zum Ausdruck des eigensten Kerns im Menschen werden [kann].” [Kantstudien 13 (1908), 3.]

Termen person härrör alltså från en tradition av delvis skiftande begreppsliga användningar och betydelser alltifrån den romerska republiken och, troligen, Grekland. Redan under antiken börjar den emellertid sammanföras med ytterligare och mer annorlunda begreppsligt innehåll, som tidigare uttryckts med andra termer. Därvid förändras såväl detta innehåll som det som termen tidigare uttryckte. Båda modifierades, och ett nytt begrepp uppstod, som sedan fortsatte utvecklades under hela västerlandets historia. Men grundläggande och avgörande steg i denna utveckling togs redan under antiken.

Innan den latinska termen persona började användas som beteckning för ett filosofiskt begrepp, ja, även i någon mån innan termen överhuvudtaget började användas i någon betydelse, fanns andra föreställningar som innehöll en del av det som senare begreppsligt förbands med den. Vi har sett hur Benjamin och Daniélou är medvetna om detta i sina diskussioner av begreppets utveckling. Det är i än högre grad R. Hirzel, som ägnade sin studie Die Person: Begriff und Name derselben im Altertum (1913) specifikt åt denna fråga.

Det är därför nödvändigt att ägna uppmärksamhet åt personbegreppets förterminologiska utvecklingshistoria. Utöver Jaspers’ teori om axeltidens historiska eller religionshistoriska vändning, handlar även för detta studium mer direkt eller omedelbart relevanta teorier, förklaringsförsök och tolkningar rörande det västerländska individualmedvetandet och dess uppkomst i stor utsträckning om detta stadiums resultat, även när de uppehåller sig vid historiskt lättare tillgängliga epoker.

Reinhart Koselleck definierade (såvitt jag minns) det för åtminstone vissa av sina begreppshistoriska syften begreppet begrepp som innefattande termen i svensk mening, alltså icke anglosaxisk logisk. D.v.s. begreppet var för honom det varierande, i vanlig logisk betydelse begreppsliga innehållet knutet till en bestämd, icke-varierande term i denna mening.

Men det finns filosofi- och idéhistoriska syften för vilka denna definition är otillräcklig. Begreppsinnehållet måste ofta studeras skilt från termen, och vice versa. Detta gäller i eminent grad ifråga om begreppet och termen person. Den metod som (i detta avseende, som inte berör de distinkta filosofiska utgångspunkterna) används i den monumentala Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie, som fokuserar på termerna, orden, oavsett begreppsligt innehåll, såtillvida som allt begreppsligt innehåll som historiskt föreligger i förening med respektive termer avhandlas under de senare, är för sådana syften mer konsekvent och precis.

Svårare att presentera under en viss term i denna ordboksform, och även i Kosellecks, är emellertid ibland det begreppsliga innehåll som historiskt förelegat skilt från termen – nämligen i den utsträckning det finns anledning att skildra just denna historia före föreningen av det i den ackumulerade innehållet med termen. För framställningen av det måste hänvisas till andra uppslagsord i dessa verk, även om sambandet naturligtvis lätt kan betonas i respektive artikel.

För mina egna syften måste jag fokusera både på termen person med visst begreppsligt innehåll skilt från annat sådant innehåll – ofta, bl.a på det sätt Trendelenburg beskrev, av mycket annorlunda slag – som senare förenats med den, och på detta andra innehåll i sig, skilt från termen. Det senare gäller inte minst den förterminologiska utvecklingen under antiken.

Termen person under antiken

Ordet persons etymologi har framstått som osäker. Den rimliga tolkningen är att persona är en romersk form, via ett etruskiskt mellanled, av πρόσωπον, som antagit samma betydelse, och som är relaterat till sanskrittermen प्रतीक  (pratīka) med liknande betydelse. [Roger Benjamin redovisar (Notion de personne et personnalisme chrétien (1971), 13 f.) Maurice Nédoncelles slutsatser i artikeln ‘Prosopon et persona dans l’antiquité classique’ i Revue des sciences religieuses, 22 (1948), 277-99. För de etymologiska tolkningarna och personbegreppets tidiga grekiska och romerska historia bygger jag här också på artikeln ‘Person’ i Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie, som också använder bl.a. Nédoncelle, och till vilken jag för hela detta avsnitt hänvisar.] Den gemensamma romerska och grekiska betydelsen var “mask”, en mask av den typ som skådespelarna bar på teatern, men formerna skiljer sig såpass mycket att det inte ansetts helt säkert att det latinska ordet härstammar från detta.

Den alltifrån antiken vanliga härledningen från personare, “ljuda igenom”, anses idag oriktig. Även här återfördes ordet till den skådespelarnas mask som var utrustad med en ljudförstärkande, högtalarliknande tratt, nödvändig för att publiken längst bak och längst upp i amfiteatern skulle kunna höra. Men även om denna etymologi inte är riktig, var alltså “mask” den aktuella grundbetydelsen.

Härifrån vidgades användningen snart till att metonymiskt beteckna också den roll som skådespelaren med respektive mask spelade, den gestaltade karaktären, och småningom också den “roll” som människan spelade i samhället, det ämbete hon innehade, den ställning och position hon intog. [Denna betydelse utreds utförligt av M. Fuhrmann i ‘Persona, ein römischer Rollenbegriff’, i Odo Marquard & Karlheinz Stierle, utg., Identität (1979), på vilken min närmast följande framställning huvudsakligen bygger.]

Men grundbetydelsen mask gav länge också denna ordets vidare användning en mer eller mindre markerad betydelse av förklädnad, förställning, sken, det som dolde den verkliga naturen. Den samhälleliga användningen var naturlig i den romerska staten med dess rättsväsen, dess fasta system av ämbeten, dess ståndsordning. Dessa liknade teatern i det de utgjorde system av fasta funktioner som på bestämda sätt liksom teaterns aktörer “agerade” gentemot varandra. Även familjen uppvisade vissa sådana fasta roller, personae. Betydelsen kunde visserligen skifta mellan själva positionen och funktionen å ena sidan och innehavaren av denna å den andra, men även i det senare fallet var det individen just som innehavare av ämbetet o.s.v. som åsyftades, inte individen som sådan. Persona definierades här utifrån positionen och funktionen i förhållande till andra positioner och funktioner, utifrån relationerna inom de senares system.

Men samtidigt fick ordet betydelsen av den bestående identitet roll- och ämbetsinnehavaren utvecklade genom det till positionen/funktionen knutna förhållningssättet. Och en sådan identitet, ett slags “image”, kunde även utvecklas genom ett konsekvent handlande och en bestående inställning, också oberoende av de fixa ämbetena. Även den åsikt och linje som en politiker gjort sig känd för var exempelvis förpliktande och krävde trohet på samma sätt som själva ämbetet. Vidgat till att omfatta detta börjar personbegreppet delvis komma i närheten av begreppet karaktär, den genom ett persistent, målmedvetet handlande utmejslade egenarten, och även i närheten av ett slags kallelsebegrepp: livsuppgiften, missionen som identitet. [Benjamin, 13.]

Dock är det bara verkandet i det yttre som formar identiteten, inte någon inre, individuell väsenskärna som i det yttre radierar konsekventa verkningar, från vilken identifierbara, unika, karaktäristiska handlingar av sig själva manifesterar sig. Vi är långt från ett romantiskt, “expressionistiskt” personbegrepp. Cicero, som på detta sätt talar om sin politiska profil som sin persona, uppställer också en teori om människornas naturliga roller i samhället. När han understryker vikten av identitetens och självöverensstämmelsens bevarande, ligger i detta ingenting subjektivistiskt, ingenting som springer ur självmedvetandet och den unika upplevelsen. Tonvikten ligger på den av den romerska republikens system av positioner bestämda uppgiften. Personbegrepp avser inte vad Fuhrmann kallar den absoluta personen, individen, utan endast den sociala rollbäraren.

Även i den romerska rätten bestäms ordets innebörd av detta system av ämbeten och funktioner. Men ett allmänt rättsligt begrepp om personen som enskild människa börjar här också gradvis utvecklas, liksom även föreställningen om juridiska personer föregrips. Den romerska rättens personbegrepp etablerar en strikt allmän och formell personbetydelse som består ännu i vår egen tid, parallellt med den utveckling som individualiserat begreppet.

Det är först efter en lång utveckling som termen persona i det vanliga språkbruket under medeltiden börjar användas som beteckning för den mänskliga individualiteten. Ordet börjar då också, intressant nog, ersätta homo som beteckning för människan överhuvud, under det homo istället börjar uppfattas som betecknande mannen i motsats till kvinnan, mulier, och därmed som sådan motsats ersätta det äldre vir. Ordet persona kommer därmed i det vanliga språkbruket från 1200-talet ofta helt enkelt att betyda “en man eller en kvinna”. [Benjamin, 13 f.]

Utöver denna betydelse tar den distinkta filosofiska personalism som utvecklats utifrån och kring termen under de senaste århundradena tar dock fasta på den subtila och komplexa betydelserikedom som begreppet kommit att ackumulera alltifrån antiken, över medeltiden och under hela modernitetens utveckling.

Die Achsenzeit

Föreställningen om personlighets- och individualitetsmedvetandet som i särskilt hög grad utmärkande för västerlandet, ja som det som framför allt annat utmärkte den västliga världen redan under antiken, var länge central i modern historieskrivning. I hög grad var den ett arv från renässansen och dess uppfattning om antiken såväl som dess egen självuppfattning. Dessa renässansens uppfattningar var ju också å det närmaste sammanhängande, och de förblev grundläggande för den europeiska självförståelsen in i vår tid, eller åtminstone fram till radikalmodernismens dominans.

Inte minst var så fallet under 1800-talet, när romantiken hade kompletterat upplysningen och inte minst ifråga om just personlighets- och individualitetsmedvetandet producerat en karaktäristisk åskådningsmässig syntes. Den i vid mening liberala historieskrivningen fokuserade i hög grad på de ursprungliga, paradigmatiska faktorer som enligt deras mening i detta avseende särskilde det antika Grekland från den främre orientens kulturer och imperier vid samma tid.

Innan jag går närmare in på detta bör dock ett än större perspektiv introduceras. En rad andra teorier har under 1900-talet förts fram både om det västerländska individualitetsmedvetandet som om det mänskliga individualitetsmedvetandet i allmänhet. Forskningen om de stora bortreorientaliska kulturerna som naturligtvis fortsatte utvecklas under detta århundrade, och den komparativa forskning som använde dess resultat, delvis i förening med av denna forskning oberoende teoretisk och historiefilosofisk idébildning och av helt andra vetenskaper, gav upphov till en rad nya perspektiv och tolkningar.

Vissa som fasthöll vid individualitetsmedvetandet som i särskilt hög grad utmärkande för västerlandet gjorde exempelvis gällande att orsakerna till detta fenomen stod att finna i sådant som att de europeiska klimatförhållandena ej kräver kollektivistiskt organiserade bevattningsanläggningar av den typ som varit nödvänidga i Kina. Andra presenterade analyser av stamsamhällets och stamreligionens för individualismen och personförståelsen ogynsamma betingelser, och naturligtvis av de specifika västerländska utveckling av de sociala och ekonomiska förhållandena som förändrade dessa, om betydelsen av tekniken, av städerna, av möjligheten att samtidigt tillhöra en mångfald olika grupper.

Men där fanns också en viktig teori som pekade på vad man menade kunde ses som en allmänt kulturell förändring i riktning mot större individualitetsmedvetande, som ägde rum samtidigt i flera stora civilisationer, inte bara den europeiska. Det var Karl Jaspers’ teori om die Achsenzeit, som främst gällde religionernas historia men som på grund av religionernas ställning i samtliga de aktuella kulturerna, eller, mer exakt, dessa kulturers definierande oskiljaktighet, som traditionella, från vad som i modern tid svepande kallas religionerna, också rörde det centrala i dem alla.

Själva termen religion användes förvisso i det förabrahamitiska, förkristna Rom, men den åskådning som åsyftades var en annan. I själva verket beskrev teorin om axeltiden delvis  framväxten just av den nya typ av “religion”, abrahamismen, som genom den dominans den kom att inta i väst är vad som här huvudsakligen kommit att avses med detta begrepp, men som i själva verket skiljer sig avsevärt från de tidigare åskådningarna i öst såväl som i väst som numera urskillningslöst betecknas på samma sätt. Till den pre-axiala “religionen”, de åskådningar som var förhärskande före ”axeltiden”, hörde dels de stora s.k. ”primitiva” och skriftlösa traditionerna, dels de av prästkaster behärskade och ofta ”nationella” lärosystemen i Indien, Kina, Mesopotamien, Egypten, Grekland och Rom. Den pre-axiala religionen kännetecknades huvudsakligen av strävan till bevarande av den kosmiska, naturliga och samhälleliga ordningen. Men från ungefärligen 800 till 200 f.Kr. började, menar man, en väsentlig förändring inträda i denna typ av religion. Religionsfilosofen John Hick, känd för sin inflytelserika om än extremt abstrakta, generaliserande och urskillningslösa formulering av den religiösa pluralismens filosofi, en filosof som haft anledning att som bakgrund till denna ståndpunkt på djupet studera de olika religionernas framväxt och historia, sammanfattar Jaspers idéer (jag har just nu inte tillgång till den senares egna formuleringar – i Vom Ursprung und Ziel der Geschichte från 1949 – men de kan senare infogas):

”Through centuries and millennia the conditions of human life remained essentially the same, and generation after generation lived and died within the same familiar mental horizons. But in the imperceptibly slow evolution of human life through long periods of time the conditions gradually formed for the emergence of individuality. What these conditions were and how they developed are still, in detail, largely matters of speculation. But in what Karl Jaspers has identified as the Achsenzeit…significant human individuals appeared through whose insights – though always within the existing setting of their own culture – human awareness was immensely enlarged and developed, and a movement began from archaic religion to the religions of salvation and liberation.” [Hick, An Interpretation of Religion: Human Responses to the Transcendent (1989), 29.]

Någon distinkt gräns eller tydlig tidpunkt för övergången mellan pre-axial och axial tid går enligt teorin ej att urskilja; ”individualistiska” moment och strömningar hade länge förberett förändringen, och pre-axiala ordningsmoment skulle fortleva, och måste i viss utsträckning sägas prägla de stora religionerna och samhällena än idag. [Ibid. 29 f.] Men överhuvudtaget måste betonas att utsagorna om den för-axiala tiden och arkaiska religionen med hänsyn till de stora högkulturerna ofta är högst tvivelaktiga. Detta blir uppenbart när inte bara buddhismen utan den brahminska kulturen ses som delaktig i den märkligt samtidiga förändringen. Och Konfucius var exempelvis en traditionalist, för vilken Hicks utvecklingstro var främmande; vad han försökte göra var att restaurera den ideala ordning från äldre kejsares tid som gått förlorad genom splittring och krig, och sanningarna från de fem klassiska skrifter som såvitt jag förstår nästan allt kinesiskt tänkande erkände och i någon mån byggde på, och som gått förlorade genom splittring och krig.

Den frälsning och befrielse det enligt teorin nu är fråga om är individuell: ”Individuals were emerging into self-consciousness out of the closely-knit communal mentality of their society. They were now able to hear and respond to a message relating to their own options and potentialities. Religious value no longer resided in total identification with the group but began to take the form of a personal openness to transcendence.” [Ibid. 30.]

I beskrivningen av denna förändring känner vi igen vaga och yviga temata som i olika variationer ofta redan tidigare varit centrala i förståelsen av den västerländska utvecklingen: ”[S]ince the new religious messages of the axial age were addressed to individuals as such, rather than as cells in a social organism, these messages were in principle universal in scope.” [Ibid.] Hick citerar Robert N. Bellah: ”[M]an is no longer defined chiefly in terms of what tribe or clan he comes from or what particular god he serves but rather as being capable of salvation. That is to say that it is for the first time possible to conceive of man as such.” [Ibid.; Bellah, Beyond Belief: Essays on Religion in a Post-Traditional World (1970), 33.] Vi känner också igen det avsevärda måttet av modern, samtida liberalism och ”post-traditionalism” (för att använda termen i titeln på Bellahs bok) i dessa tolkningar, och därmed av anakronism. Ifråga om grekerna hade detta, i olika varianter, varit det vanliga alltsedan upplysningen och genom artonhundratalet. Man läste in sina egen vidareutveckling i de antika förebilder man inspirerades av. Men här utvidgades läran om den frambrytande individuella frigörelsen till att också innefatta de österländska kulturerna, som på ofta halsbrytande sätt likställs med abrahamismen, samtidigt som inga nyanser i teckningen av det pre- och postaxiala i bilden av orienten medges. Hick fortsätter i denna svepande anda:

”The period of tribal and national religions was waning and that of the world religions was beginning…With certain qualifications we can say that in this period all the major religious options, constituting the major possible ways of conceiving the ultimate, were identified and established and that nothing of comparably novel significance has happened in the religious life of humanity since…Because of the magnitude and widespread incidence of these changes we must suppose that it was made possible by a new stage in human development, occurring at much the same time in these different ancient cultures, in which outstanding individuals emerged and were able to become centres of new religious awareness and understanding, so that from their work have developed what we know today as the great world faiths.”

Vi har här alltså enligt axialtidsteorin dels att göra med en nytt allmänt stadium av mänsklig utveckling, men också, i detta stadium, helt enkelt med ”outstanding individuals” som åvägabringar den förändring som markerar och etablerar detta stadium: det var individerna som sådana som var centra för det nya medvetandet, och det var från deras individuella arbete som detta – med märklig samtidighet i olika och vid denna tid från varandra relativt skilda civilisationer – utvecklades. Vidare:

”In terms of religious phenomenology the new movements arising in the axial period exhibit a soteriological structure which stands in marked contrast to the relatively simple world-acceptance of pre-axial religion. In the archaic world life was variously endured and enjoyed but not fundamentally criticized. Bellah’s suggestion carries conviction that this world-acceptance ’is largely to be explained as the only possible response to a reality that invades the self to such an extent that the symbolization of self and world are only very partially separate’, whereas, in contrast, in the axial age the human mind began to stand back from its encompassing environment to become conscious of itself as a distinct reality with its own possibilities. Accordingly, whilst archaic religion accepted life as it is and sought to continue it on a stable basis, there came through the outstanding figures of the axial period the disturbing and yet uplifting thought of a limitlessly better possibility. Among the new streams of religious experience by no means every wave and eddy is soterologically oriented. Nevertheless a clear soteriological pattern is visible both in the Indian religions of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism, and in the Semitic religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam…Behind and giving substance to these varied conceptions of a limitlessly better state is the awarenes of an ultimate unity of reality and value”. [Ibid. 30 ff.]

Här ser vi naturligtvis den vanliga, hopplöst oklara sammanblandningen av transcendent frälsning och framtida utopi, och dessutom hur denna Hicks egen judisk-kristna eskatologiska föreställningsvärld, förenad och förstärkt med tidstypisk politisk ideologi, projiceras på de österländska traditionerna.

Men vi finner också att den axiala tidsålderns gränser plötsligt är betydligt utvidgade. Förklarande de nya tidsangivelserna säger Hick att Jesus och kristendomens framväxt såväl som Muhammeds och islams här ses som ”major new developments within the prophetic stream of Semitic religious life; and the growth of Mahayana Buddhism as a development from early Buddhism.” Detta är i sig föga kontroversiellt. På samma sätt pekar Hick på justeringar också ifråga om axeltidens början. Dels ifråga om judendomen. Denna ”may be said to have begun, not with the work of the great prophets, but with the exodus some four centuries before the beginning of the axial age; or indeed with the prehistoric figure of Abraham. Nevertheless, while Abraham is the semi-legendary patriarch of Judaism and the exodus its founding event, yet the distinctive Jewish understanding of God, and the ways in which this understanding became embodied in a tradition were formed very largely by the great prophets and biblical redactors of the axial period.” Men också ifråga om den Vediska religionen: ”Again, in India the Vedas existed before the axial age; but while these are foundational scriptures, the transformation of early Vedic religion into the complex of Brahmanism, the Vedanta and Bhakti, constituting what has come to be called Hinduism, began during the axial period.” [Ibid. 31.] Inte heller denna tidsmässiga tänjning åt det andra hållet är i sig problematisk, men liksom utelämnandet av skillnaderna mellan dessa religioner accentuerar det ändå det svepande i hela teorin.

Fastän teorins typ av komparativt perspektiv i sig är legitimt, utsatte detta yvigt generaliserande drag den naturligtvis omedelbart för prövning gentemot en rad specialstudier av relevanta aspekter av de olika kulturerna, perioderna, religionerna och individerna. Mer partikulariserade teorier om individualitetsmedvetandets förefintlighet eller framväxt och förutsättningar i de respektive fallen framfördes.

En av kritikerna var Eric Voegelin, som främst skjöt in sig på Jaspers uppfattning att under axeltiden genom uppträdandet av de stora individerna – Buddha, Konfucius, Lao-tse, Zarathustra, de grekiska filosoferna och de gammaltestamentliga profeterna – en gemensam föreställning om en enhetlig mänsklighet och en enhetlig historia etablerades. Återvändande till betoningen av en västerländsk särutveckling hävdade Voegelin mot detta att något sådant generellt medvetande icke kommer till stånd i andra kulturer än det grekiska och judisk-kristna västerlandets. Jaspers inriktning på de stora individerna, på enstaka religiösa lärare och tänkare, var alltför snäv, och försummade det större kulturella och politiska sammanhang som enligt Voegelin måste beaktas för den riktiga förståelsen.

Voegelin menade sig kunna konstatera att fastän vissa liknande och, med Voegelins centrala term, ”differentierande” erfarenheter och symboler återfinns i orienten, dessa inte når lika långt som de grekiska och judisk-kristna vare sig i differentieringen av transcendens från immanens (Voegelins huvudsakliga användning av differentieringsbegreppet) eller av filosofi från uppenbarelse, eller, mer egentligt, tradition. Orientens verklighetsrepresentation förblir relativt sett mytisk och, med en annan av Voegelins egna termer, ”kompakt”, och dess historiemedvetande är icke jämförbart med det som framväxer i den judiska och senare den kristna traditionen. Eftersom i orienten trots en viss grad av differentiering inte heller något generellt medvetande om en universell mänsklighet och en universell historia etableras på samma sätt som i västerlandet, förkastar Voegelin idén om en enhetlig, lineär historia omfattande hela mänskligheten.

Voegelin tar alltså upp andra väsentliga fenomen som sammanhänger med individualmedvetandet, i linje med den grundläggande universalistiska riktning som Bellah pekade på: föreställningen om mänsklighetens och historiens enhetlighet. Jag har länge, och främst med avseende på förhållandet till det ”mytologiska medvetandet”, diskuterat Voegelins egen, alternativa analys av vad han kallar differentieringen, den process som på en lång rad olika sätt – fler än de här hittills nämnda – kom att särskilja västerlandet från orienten. Jag kom tidigt att fokusera på Voegelin snarare än Jaspers för min egen förståelse av dessa ting (en frukt av detta är min svenska översättning av och inledning till Voegelins Wissenschaft, Politik und Gnosis – se Publications-sidan). Jag ska här därför ta upp Voegelins analys, och några med den sammanhängande frågor, i separata inlägg.

Inte heller Voegelins position är emellertid invändningsfri. Även om den sakliga beskrivningen av orienten är riktigare, så långt de knapphändiga formuleringarna räcker, är hans närmare förståelse av innebörden av dess traditioner, och inte minst hans värdering, ofta rent felaktig. Det finns givetvis mycket annat att säga om arten av det mytologiska medvetandet, om innebörden av och orsaken till frånvaron av vad som kom att bli det västerländska historiemedvetandet, om det mer exakta förhållandet mellan immanens och transcendens – den kosmologiska religionen var ingalunda någon sluten immanens som uteslöt transcendensen i metafysisk mening.

Men Voegelin tillhandahåller ändå vissa nya, viktiga analyser av den specifikt västerländska utvecklingen. Och oaktat hans kritik kvarstår avsevärd enighet mellan honom och Jaspers ifråga om individualitetsmedvetandet i sig eller som sådant, den individualiserade religionen, och förhållandet till vad Voegelin kallar de tidigare såväl som med axialskiftets och differentieringen samtida ”kosmologiska” civilisationerna. Frågorna om naturen, innebörden och konsekvenserna av de förändringar Jaspers och Voegelin i hög grad är överens om ifråga om västerlandet är stora och centrala. Det handlar å ena sidan om frågorna om de världsåskådningsmässiga förändringarna av religionen – här har vi att göra inte bara med individualiteten utan också, trots förenklingarna, sådant som panteism och transcendens. Å andra sidan handlar det om följderna med avseende på  samhällsförändringen – här är det fråga också om sådant som frihet, ordning, auktoritet och makt.

För exempelvis den traditionalistiska skola som utgick från René Guénon och som även Tage Lindbom i viss mån tillhör (Lindbom är säkert den som i denna skola utförligast diskuterat just frågan om individualitetsmedvetandet och dess historiska framväxt) kan skiftet naturligtvis inte bejakas i de äldre liberala termer som fortfarande var Jaspers’. Guénon hade också sin egen mycket klara analys av skillnaden mellan traditionella kulturer i allmänhet och just, enbart, västerlandets, om än med flera oklarheter ifråga om förhållandet mellan antikens västerland och det moderna västerlandet, skapade genom hans oklara uppfattning om den förkristna antiken såväl som av det faktum att just religionen – i Guénons exakta mening – kristendomen kom att åtminstone nominellt prägla den förvisso i mycket, även med Guénons kriterier, traditionella medeltida ordningen i Europa. Också Voegelins betoning av de nya ordningprinciper som enligt honom med tiden utkristalliseras ur själva differentieringsprocessen skiljer sig från denna liberalisms typiska värdering av processen. Genom denna tolkning blir det inte längre självklart att vad vi kan urskilja av individualitetsmedvetandets utveckling under axeltiden bör förstås i termer av en modern, abstrakt, individualistisk liberalisms ideologi.

Även Voegelin urskiljer ett orientaliskt skifte i viss utsträckning; det är bara för honom inte i de här aktuella civilisationerna generaliserat på samma sätt som det västerländska, inte lika långtgående, och inte till sin innebörd helt liktydigt. Och axeltidens teori rymmer naturligtvis också delsanningar på åtminstone några punkter ifråga om orienten. Men där rör vi oss hela tiden på osäker mark hos dessa teoretiker. Endast när det gäller västerlandet blir analysen mer fullt giltig, och den blir det av de skäl som, trots hans brister, klargörs av Voegelin.

I vad gäller skiftet i västerlandet, med dess utan tvekan redan vid denna tid tydliga särdrag, finns på samtliga påverkade plan både frön till de mest värdefulla elementen i västerlandets fortsatta särutveckling, och moment som på olika sätt och under bestämda omständigheter kunde utvecklas i riktning mot den mer principiella, ensidiga, anti-traditionella brytning som kommit att definiera en likaledes specifik västerländsk obalans. Det är därför nödvändigt att förstå redan denna tidiga historiska fas av det mer distinkta individualitetsmedvetandets utveckling, analyserade antingen i Jaspers eller Voegelins termer, i ljuset av vad jag föreslår kan beskrivas som den alternativa moderniteten och den urskillning den möjliggör.

Erik Åkerlunds recension

En deltagare dold bakom en av skämtpseudonymerna i den av mig flera gånger kommenterade diskussionen på Flashback har glädjande nog läst, och uttrycker sig vänligt om, min bok The Worldview of Personalism. Det är såvitt jag kan se en seriös debattör, och det är både beklagligt och obegripligt att han, liksom flera andra sådana debattörer i detta forum, döljer sig bakom en pseudonym som förtar och motverkar detta intryck. Han är dessutom ännu en av de många personer i sammahang av detta slag som jag inte kan se har någon som helst anledning att inte skriva under eget namn.

Hursomhelst, det finns anledning att ta honom på allvar. Samtidigt som han uttrycker sig allmänt uppskattande om boken, instämmer han på en punkt delvis med den kritik filosofen Erik Åkerlund framförde i sin recension i Lychnos, vilket ger mig anledning till ännu en kommentar här, i linje med vad jag tidigare skrivit – inte minst i diskussioner i några kommentarfält – om mitt förhållningssätt till Flashback.

Diskussionsdeltagaren skriver: ”Den i övrigt sympatiske Uppsaladoktoranden Åkerlunds anmärkningar är väl av det småaktiga slaget. (Åtminstone vad beträffar kritiken av den svenska “utvikningen”; kritiken beträffande redogörelsen av forskningsläget är delvis berättigad.)”

Jag ska här visa varför Åkerlund har fel inte bara ifråga om kritiken av den svenska ”utvikningen”, utan också om redogörelsen för forskningsläget.

Jag måste erkänna att jag inte närmare känner till Åkerlund. Recensenten är såvitt jag förstår doktorand i filosofi (eller var det åtminstone vid tidpunkten för recensionen), och verkar intressant nog ägna sig åt Suárez och måste följaktligen ha annorlunda och intressantare filosofiska intressen än de flesta svenska filosofer (och för den delen idéhistoriker) idag, och måste dessutom behärska latin. Allt detta är positivt.

På det hela taget är också recensionen positiv. Och den innehåller en kritisk punkt som jag anser viktig: recensenten anser att “förhållandet mellan personalismen och den kristna trinitetsteologin” möjligen förblir “något oklar [sic]”, och att jag “tycks…vackla mellan att utveckla en brottets och en kontinuitetens hermeneutik på detta område”. Detta är en legitim kritik. En utförligare historik över personalismens historiska bakgrund och förutsättningar skulle behöva ägna större utrymme åt detta.

Eftersom min nu aktuella bok berör ursprunget och den tidiga utvecklingen av “the worldview of personalism”, och jag, som jag förklarar, inte anser att den kristna trinitetsteologin i sig utgör en sådan “worldview”, kan emellertid som jag ser det knappast något utrymme sägas ha funnits eller ha behövt avsättas för en sådan utförligare behandling. Den oklarhet Åkerlund uppfattar beror, tror jag, dels på den av det valda fokus och det begränsade utrymmet framtvingade kortfattadheten i denna fråga, dels på frågans komplexitet. Vad jag trots begränsningarna på flera ställen försöker göra är att betona att det är fråga om både brott och kontinuitet, i olika avseenden. Självklart skulle jag vilja ytterligare utveckla och förklara denna tolkning, med tillgång till det utrymme den i mitt sammanhang mindre centrala men i sig intressanta frågan förtjänar.

De övriga två kritiska punkter recensionen innehåller är emellertid märkliga. Tyvärr rör det – liksom i recensionen i Axess (som dock också får sägas vara på det hela taget positiv) – centrala ting, och går över gränsen till uppenbara felaktigheter.

Den första av dessa är den som Flashback-skribenten anser vara ”av det småaktiga slaget”. Det är betecknande att man i den idé- och lärdomshistoriska årsboken Lychnos, som vid sitt grundande, liksom det nya ämnet idé- och lärdomshistoria överhuvudtaget under Johan Nordströms ledning, nästan var en del av ett nationalistiskt projekt, syftande till att fokusera främst på Sverige, ser medtagandet av de svenska personlighetsfilosoferna eller personlighetsidealisterna i det sammanhang jag skildrar som en oberättigad utvikning. Men detta är naturligtvis uttryck för en allmän ideologisk förändring som går långt utöver det personliga småsinnet, alldeles oavsett det senares eventuella samtidiga förefintlighet i enskilda fall.

Det är intressant att konstatera att de uppskattande formuleringarna om avsnitten om de svenska filosoferna i de många positiva utländska recensionerna av boken går långt utöver den blotta artigheten. Det har vid det här laget ganska länge varit en stark trend inom idéhistoria i allmänhet och i andra länder jämförbara discipliner såsom filosofihistoria att vilja inkludera tänkare och strömningar också från mindre språkområden och länder och därmed komplexifiera och få nya perspektiv på och nyanseringar av de stora, välkända huvudlinjerna. Av detta skäl har det oftast varit särskilt avsnitten om svenskarna i min bok som välkomnats och omnämnts. Detta intresse var mycket påtagligt redan när jag arbetade med personalismens historia i England, och jag har också hela tiden mötts av det på internationella konferenser. Tyvärr är det filosofihistorieskrivingen i just Sverige, när den bedrivs inom filosofiämnet snarare än inom idé- och lärdomshistoria, som här släpar efter. Orsaken till detta är naturligtvis i hög grad den mer allmänna, principiellt, ja programmatiskt ohistoriska hållningen hos den fortsatt oproportionerligt dominerande analytiska filosofin, som gjort att idéhistorieämnet sedan mycket lång tid i stor utsträckning hos oss helt enkelt fått ta över filosofihistoriens centrala område.

Recensentens kritik på den nu diskuterade punkten bygger emellertid också på en ren missuppfattning av syftet med och innebörden av mitt inkluderande av de svenska filosoferna.

Åkerlund accepterar att skildringen av “svenska filosofer som Grubbe, Atterbom (1790-1855) [varför årtal just här?!] och Geijer…har…sitt egenvärde, speciellt i en engelsk språkkontext där flera av dessa mig veterligen annars är oåtkomliga”. Men han menar likafullt att “utvikningen till de svenska filosoferna utgör…ett av bokens mer problematiska drag. De utförliga skildringarna av svenska personalister passar helt enkelt inte så väl in i en utvecklingshistoria av detta slag, då sambandet mellan dessa och de anglosaxiska personalisterna, som får sägas utgöra bokens huvudfokus, förblir oklar…denna ‘avstickare’ till det svenska sidospåret [gör] att framställningsgången överlag haltar betänkligt. Detta märks inte minst i de många och långa fotnoterna i inledningskapitlet, som tydligt bär spår av en vilja att säga mer om de svenska förhållandena än den föresatta ramen för boken medger. I linjen från tysk till anglosaxisk personalism blir de svenska personalisterna en alltför lång parentes.”

Felaktigheterna är här flera. De anglosaxiska personalisterna är på intet sätt “bokens huvudfokus”. De brittiska är samtida med Bownes amerikanska personalism, som, som jag visar, fortfarande är normen för själva definitionen av personalismen åtminstone i den anglo-amerikanska världen, men som jag inte diskuterar i de tematiska kapitlen. I själva verket är dessa britter mindre viktiga än de tidigare tyska och svenska personalisterna för mitt historiska argument. Det är snarare skildringen av dessa brittiska personalister, inte svenskarna, som är en “utvikning”, en “avstickare”, ett “sidospår” och en “parentes”. Någon influens från de brittiska ”personal idealists” på Bowne tycks inte föreligga (om någon påverkan fanns verkar det vara Bowne som i någon utsträckning påverkat dem); som jag tydligt förklarar är de medtagna för att illustrera vidden av det tyska inflytandet och existensen av en självständigt utvecklad europeisk personalism av samma typ som den amerikanska och vid samma tid.

Även svenskarna är i hög grad med för att visa vidden av det tyska inflytandet och den självständigt utvecklade europeiska personalismen. Men eftersom de är så mycket tidigare än de anglosaxiska är de alltså viktigare för mitt centrala historiska argument. Som Svante Nordin visat är ju den svenska personlighetsfilosofin en variant eller förgrening av motsvarande av Jacobi och Schelling producerade strömning i Tyskland, om än med självständiga inslag som jag, i linje med de svenska personlighetsfilosoferna själva, betonar starkare än Nordin: som jag förklarar behandlar jag dem också av det skälet att de i vissa avseenden verkligen tycks ge ett tydligare och fullare uttryck för den personalistiska utvecklingen parallellt med Schelling än de tyska motsvarigheterna, de s.k. “spekulativa teisterna”.

Emellertid är det också så, som jag återigen tydligt förklarar i inledningen, att jag inte främst skriver en historia om direkta influenser och påverkningar från tidigare personalister på senare, utan helt enkelt söker påvisa förefintligheten av en världsåskådning som måste benämnas personalistisk långt tidigare än den hittillsvarande forskningen hävdat: det relevanta sambandet med de anglosaxiska personalisterna är ur detta  perspektiv det åskådningsmässiga, inte de direkta och specifika personliga influensernas.

Trots att jag var tvungen att använda ordet ”development” i bokens undertitel, kan den “linje” jag skildrar inte heller i alla avseenden kallas en “utvecklingshistoria” om man med detta förstår en historia om ett entydigt framsteg eller en utveckling till högre eller bättre o.s.v. former. På några icke oviktiga punkter hävdar jag tvärtom i boken att de senare personalisterna snarare betecknar en tillbakagång; ordet ”development” har ju också i historiska sammanhang ofta en mer allmän och vag mening och behöver inte beteckna en ”utvecklingshistoria” i den nämnda meningen.

“Framställningsgången” kan således åtminstone inte av det skäl Åkerlund anger sägas “halta”. Föreställningen om de anglosaxiska personalisterna som bokens huvudfokus motsäger direkt min beskrivning av den “föresatta ramen” i inledningen. Avsnitten om de svenska personalisterna inte bara passar in i denna i ram, utan är mer centrala och nödvändiga än avsnitten om de anglosaxiska.

Den andra märkliga kritiska punkten gäller översikten av ’The Current View of Personalism and its Origins’ i kapitel 1. Det är på denna punkt Flashback-skribenten delvis håller med. Men även här har recensenten helt fel.

Åkerlund skriver: “En annan egendomlighet i boken är att i bokens första kapitel…ges en översikt över personalismens historia utifrån boken The Philosophy of Personalism av Albert Knudson från 1927. Utifrån kapitlets rubrik förväntar sig läsaren, kanske oberättigat, att få en genomgång över det nuvarande forskningsläget kring personalismens historia, men får alltså istället en genomgång av historien utifrån denna över 80-åriga bok (som väl snarast får räknas som ett studieobjekt i sammanhanget, och också står uppräknad såsom primärlitteratur i bibliografin). Visserligen ges genom hela boken inblickar i olika perspektiv i dagens forskning om personalismens historia, men intrycket består ändå att författaren med detta första kapitel missade chansen att ta ett samlat grepp på dagens forskningsläge i frågan.”

Detta är tyvärr fullständigt missvisande. Kapitlet har två underavdelningar, ’The View of the Historians’ och ’The View of the Personalists’. Genom dessa skiljer jag tydligt mellan sekundär- och primärmaterial (”studieobjekt”). I det första tar jag ett “samlat grepp” på vad jag menar vara relevant historisk forskning – i en utsträckning och med en detaljrikedom som av några bedömare rentav ansetts alltför stor. Eftersom ingen specifik sekundärlitteratur alls finns om de brittiska “personal idealists” som personalister, nödgas jag när det gäller dem också kort behandla de få allmänna filosofihistoriska och andra verk som överhuvudtaget nämner dem. P.g.a. en motsvarande frånvaro av behandling av de tidiga tyskarna som personalister, och den exceptionella betydelsen av delar av Warren Breckmans bok om unghegelianerna för detta område, behandlar jag även den här, trots att inte heller den är specifikt ägnad personalismens historia.

Som jag tydligt klagar finns det helt enkelt inte någon nyare relevant forskning specifikt ägnad personalismens historia som sådan. Detta gäller inte bara personalismen med den anglo-amerikanska definitionen; även ifråga om den europeiska finns såvitt jag sett bara uppslagsboksmässiga historiska framställningar, flera skrivna av thomister. Vad jag går igenom är därför vad som tyvärr är det nuvarande forskningsläget, dagens forskningsläge – ett dåligt och föråldrat sådant. Det är ju just p.g.a. detta läge som jag forskat inom området och skrivit boken.

Naturligtvis finns fragment som direkt och indirekt rör personalismens historia utspridd i sekundärlitteraturen om kontinentaleuropeiska personalister, dialogfilosofer o.s.v. av olika slag som Scheler, Marcel, Mounier, Buber, Maritain, Karol Wojtyła/Johannes Paulus II, Lévinas och andra, såväl som i deras egna verk, men jag har inte hittat något som i några för mina argument väsentliga avseenden går utöver eller avviker från det jag i boken beskriver som den existerande förståelsen. Dessa fragment kan knappast sägas vara forskning om personalismens historia per se, och att gå igenom dem skulle ha varit otillåtligt pedantiskt och gjort framställningen outhärdligt repetitiv.

Det råkar helt enkelt, som jag förklarar, vara så att det är nittonhundratalets amerikanska personalister själva, behandlade i kapitlets andra underavdelning, som producerat den för mig mest relevanta litteraturen, och att den enda seriösa större framställningen från deras sida är hela åttio år gammal. Behovet av ny forskning var skriande, och det amerikanska mottagandet av boken visar också att man länge varit medveten om bristen.

Dock behandlar jag i den andra underavdelningen i kapitel 1 inte alls bara Knudsons bok, som recensenten ger intryck av, utan även de senare amerikanska personalisterna Flewellings, Brightmans, De Wolfs och Lavelys presentationer av personalismens historia.

Det förhåller sig inte heller så att jag “genom hela boken” ger “inblickar i olika perspektiv i dagens forskning om personalismens historia”. Vad som i de följande kapitlen ges, förutom hänvisningar till det jag redan gått igenom i kapitel 1, är referenser till relevanta enskilda inslag i den allmänna forskningen om de tänkare jag behandlar och de övriga srömningar de tillhör, forskning som inte specifikt och direkt berör “personalismens historia” i sig. Som jag påpekar i inledningen är tänkare som Jacobi, Schelling och Lotze inte kända som personalister utan som tillhörande andra strömningar, och forskningen om och de aktuella framställningarna av personalismens historia har förbisett detta. Det är de spridda, fåtaliga, för mitt syfte relevanta formuleringarna i den existerande allmänna forskningen om dessa för andra saker betydligt mer kända tänkare som jag i de övriga kapitlen använder och lyfter fram. Ett “samlat grepp” på sådan allmän forskning hör knappast hemma i genomgången i kapitel 1 av forskningen om personalismens historia.

Bowne’s Idealistic Personalism, 4

Introduction

Personal “Reason” and Impersonal “Understanding”

The Personal Absolute

Personal Unity-In-Diversity

Bowne, the paradigm of personalism according to Knudson, sometimes seems to swerve from the strict polar extreme of Knudson’s classification and to employ an idealistic language purer even than that of the British personal idealists and closer to that of the speculative theists. In a sense, Bowne is emphatic about voluntaristic creationism. [1] Existing in relations is not precluded by the concept of the absolute if the absolute freely posits the relations and they are ‘not forced upon it from without’; ‘the world depends upon the divine will’, which is free from the limitations of human will; ‘the world of spirits must be understood as created’; ‘It is not made out of preëxistent stuff but caused to be’; ‘Creation means to posit something in existence which, apart from the creative act, would not be.’ [2] With classical theism, personal idealism makes creation a free, voluntary, divine act,  distinguishes between the creator and his works, and conceives of the latter ‘as having a certain objectivity or otherness as over against its Maker’. It rejects emanation theories that reduce the world to ‘a part of God or a necessary consequence of the divine nature’ and ‘practically identify the world with God’. [3]

Yet against classical theism, Bowne’s personalism holds that the external, created, ‘material’ world is not metaphysically real, but ‘a phenomenal order maintained by a divine or at least a spiritual causality. In and of itself nature has no independent reality.’ While things are not reducible to our perceptions but independent of our consciousness of them, Knudson still thinks that ‘[t]he theory that things are divine thoughts may help us to understand how we can know them’. The world may be said to be God’s thought, but if so, it is God’s thought ‘objectified…by the divine will so as to be in sense an “other” to God’. [4]

Elsewhere, Bowne in fact also expresses himself with considerable caution on the question of the origin of the finite beings from the absolute. The possibility of their ‘community in unity’, he admits with the same un-Hegelian self-restraint as Grubbe, ‘is one of the deepest mysteries of speculation’. He seems to accept that an ethical God ‘must have his adequate Other and Companion’. The question is then whether, and/or in what sense, the ‘eternal generation’ or ‘necessary creation’ of that Other is for this reason required. [5] Love, justice, and benevolence all require for their meaning a plurality of persons. ‘Love would have no meaning in a world where mutual influence is impossible’. [6] On his own, God is ‘only potentially a moral being’, who needs an ‘adequate object’ in order to ‘pass to adequate moral existence’. The pantheistic view of the eternal generation of a plurality of ‘others’ within the divine unity, as ‘essential implications’ of himself, dependent on the divine nature and not on the divine will, numerically distinct but ‘organically and essentially one’ with God – the view held, with a certain interpretation of their teaching of the idea of the finite beings in the mind of God, by more or less absolutist personalists like Grubbe and Boström – could of course not, on Bowne’s premises, be rejected because of the merely formal opposition of unity and plurality. But at the same time, it is impossible on the same premises to ‘carry the actual world of finite things into God without speculative disaster’. In this situation, Bowne concludes that the only alternatives are to abandon perpetual, necessary creation or accept, ‘apart from the finite system’, persons coexisting as ‘coeternal with God himself’. Such speculation may help ‘forward the thought’, but its ‘best expression’ has not yet been reached. He mentions that Trinitarianism may for some have solved this problem without the world becoming necessary for ‘God’s self-realization’, but then interrupts the treatment of the subject by saying that he has ‘no call to enter’ into it. [7] Like the passages on the divine thoughts cited above, this one seems to me to be an important proviso, which keeps his voluntaristic creationism with regard to finite spirits and their world clearly within the tradition of idealistic speculative theism. But to return to my main point here, this does not detract from the distinct personalism of his position.

Of course, the relation between the many and the one, understood as the finite spirits and the absolute spirit, cannot for Bowne be solved by any quantitative conception; the many do not result ‘from any fission or self-diremption of the one’, they are not ‘made out of the one’, or ‘included in the one, as the parts are included in the whole’. Such conceptions are made impossible by insight into the nature of the unity of the one: ‘Metaphysics shows that the fundamental reality must be conceived not as an extended stuff, but as an agent to which the notion of divisibility has no application…as self-conscious intelligence’; ‘For the explanation of the world we need an agent, not a substance’. [8]

Quantitative substantialism being perceived as an uncritically imaginative picturing of the unpicturable, and the dangers of this kind of thinking being evident ‘in the Vedanta philosophy of India’ (by which Bowne means Shankarite advaita vedanta), have, however, forced many thinkers to take refuge in the opposite extreme of ‘an impossible pluralism’ (Bowne would have had in mind James, and perhaps McTaggart and even Howison [9]). It is only transcendental empiricism that will here help us steer clear of the Schylla of such pluralism without falling back on the Charybdis of pantheism. Critical consideration of our life yields two facts. First, ‘we have thoughts and feelings and volitions which are inalienably our own’, ‘a measure of self-control, or the power of self-direction…a certain selfhood and a relative independence. This fact constitutes our personality’. Second, ‘we cannot regard ourselves as self-sufficient and independent in any absolute sense’. These two facts are basic experiential givens, and contradictory only if taken abstractly. Denial of any of them ‘lands us in…nonsense’. [10]

Such we find ourselves given in experience, and this fact is to be accounted for, not explained away. ‘Causes are revealed in their deeds only’, and the philosophical question is what we can know of the ‘invisible power’ which thus produces us and the phenomenal order. The whole world of ‘space appearance’ and physical science is ‘not a self-sufficient something by itself’, but a means of symbolizing, expressing, manifesting, and localizing, of the deeper, underlying personal life which is the ‘only substantial fact’. Our own visible appearance in the space-world, our physical organism, is just ‘a means of expressing our hidden thought and life’, of ‘manifesting our inner life’, our unseen ‘living self’. They key and meaning of physical attitudes and movements are found only in the invisible, personal world behind them which alone give them human significance. Here lies ‘[t]he secret of beauty and value’. Everyday life, no less than literature, history, government, society, are in reality relations of ‘personal wills…with their background of conscious affection, ideas, and purposes’. ‘[C]onsciousness…is the seat of the great human drama’. [11] In these formulations, insights best known perhaps in the form of Dilthey’s hermeneutics are restated in terms of personalism and in support of it.

Once we realize these truths, we also begin to be able to conceive of the whole of the space-time world as a similar means of ‘expressing and communicating’ the purpose of ‘a great invisible power’ behind it: ‘A world of persons with a Supreme Person at the head is the conception to which we come…The world of space objects which we call nature is no substantial existence by itself, and still less a self-running system apart from intelligence, but only the flowing expression and means of commmunication of those personal beings.’ [12]

As we have seen in Chapter 1, since for Bowne, ‘we are in a personal world from the start’, and since ‘all our objects are connected with this world in one indivisible system’, in a sense this world of persons is also the starting-point of his philosophy. Even if other persons are given as data of experience, it seems insufficient to say that he starts merely from the data of self-consciousness; the explicit point of departure of his philosophy is rather ‘the coexistence of persons’, the personal unity-in-diversity: ‘It is a personal and social world in which we live, and with which all speculation must begin. We and the neighbors are facts which cannot be questioned.’ The persons of this social world are bound by ‘a law of reason valid for all’ as a condition of their ‘mental community’, and they have ‘a world of common experience, actual and possible’, where they ‘meet in mutual understanding’. [13]

It is this personal world, with phenomena as the expressions of personal wills, that is the only motive of creation. Since transcendent completion – identical for Bowne with the absoluteness of the absolute – is strictly maintained, this motive can be no ‘lack or imperfection’ in God. Only our ‘moral and religious nature’ can give us an idea of the true motive, although creation cannot be ‘deduced’ from ethical love, since we cannot a priori ‘fix’ the ‘implications’ of the latter; it can only be a matter of faith. This sounds like a slightly more sceptical position than that of the European personalists. Yet at the same time, Bowne insists that ‘[a] community of moral persons, obeying moral law and enjoying moral blessedness, is the only end that could excuse creation and make it worth while.’ [14]

In his introductory discussion of Comte in Personalism, where Bowne accepted Comte’s description of the historical change from the ‘personal’, theological stage to metaphysical explanations in history, he holds that Comte was wrong in his description of the nature of personal explanation, in making ‘caprice and arbitrariness the essential marks of will’ and in rejecting causal inquiry. Bowne refuses to accept the historical succession of abstract metaphysics and positivism as progress, and insists instead that what is needed is the adequate philosophical exposition of the nature of the personal explanation. Bowne aims to show that

[Block quotation:] critical reflection brings us back again to the personal metaphysics which Comte rejected. We agree with him that abstract and impersonal metaphysics is a mirage of formal ideas, and even largely of words, which begin, continue, and end in abstraction and confusion. Causal explanation must be in terms of personality, or it must vanish altogether. Thus we return to the theological stage, but we do so with a difference. At last we have learned the lesson of law, and we now see that law and will must be united in our thought of the world. [15]

In personalism, the principle of the – in one sense – ‘pre-rational’ worldview is thus retrieved within the rational project of philosophy.

The ‘meaning of causality’ is revealed only ‘in the self-conscious causality of free intelligence’ and the concomitant certitude of its actuality. Indeed, it is the only causality of which we have concrete experience and knowledge, ‘and the only causality which really explains’. Other conceptions of causality are inherently inconsistent. The true cause, Bowne seeks to show, is ‘immanent throughout the series’ of phenomena, ‘as the living power by which all things exist and all events come to pass’; it cannot be ‘sought at the unattainable beginning of an infinite series’. In reality, other causal explanations are merely a matter of ‘superficial classification’ of the interrelation of phenomena. Volitional causality means ‘dynamic determination’, in contradistinction to the mere logical determination typical of a certain kind of rationalist systems. Based on logical determination, from premises to conclusions, such systems cannot accommodate dynamics, and seeking to ‘construct a theory of intelligence without including the will’, they must rule it out. In reality, will is an integral and essential part of intellect; more consistently than other personalists, Bowne not only insists on the original personalist intuition that onesided rationalism – or more precisely, in his view, misconceived rationalism – in fact leads to its opposite, but goes so far as to write that intellect, ‘conceived simply as a logical mechanism of ideas, is something that is totally incompatible with rational thought, and lands us in the midst of antinomies worse than those of the Kantian system’. [16]

Volitional cauality cannot be construed in its possibility; because of its fundamental charcter, the very question of possibility is irrational – all accounts of possibility requires such a basal given. This, again, is Bowne’s ‘transcendental empiricism’:

[Block quotation:] Intellect explains everything but itself. It exhibits other things as its own products and as exemplifying its own principles; but it never explains itself. It knows itself in living and only in living, but it is never to be explained by anything, being itself the only principle of explanation. When we attempt to explain it by anything else, or even by its own principles, we fall down to the plane of mechanism again, and reason and explanation disappear together. But when we make active intelligence the basal fact, all other facts become luminous and comprehensible, at least in their possibility, and intelligence knows itself as their source and explanation. [17]

Like causality, potentiality is merely a ‘term of the understanding’, an ‘abstraction without any real content’, a ‘formal principle that float[s] in the air’ apart from a concrete experienced reality which gives it an intelligible meaning. This can never be found ‘on the plane of necessity and impersonal causation’, where it must be ‘at once real and not real, actual and not actual’, but only on that of personality: the free agent’s self-determination is a choice between different ‘possibilities’ which may also be called ‘potentialities’. The concept of potentiality can only explain that which it has historically been used to explain, namely ‘motion, progress, development, evolution’, if these are conceived, by analogy with our own experience as free agents, as ‘manifestations of the one thought which is the law and meaning of the whole’, of ‘a supreme self-determination which ever lives and ever founds the order of things’. [18]

Recapitulating the ‘insuperable difficulties’ of pantheism, Bowne writes that the conception of all things and thoughts and activities as divine is ‘unintelligible in the first place, and self-destructive in the next’. To go beyond saying that God knows, understands, and appreciates our thoughts and feelings leads to both ‘psychological contradition’ and the ‘suicide’ of reason. It implies that ‘it is God who blunders in our blundering and is stupid in our stupidity, and it is God who contradicts himself in the multiltudinous inconsistencies of our thinking. Thus error, folly, and sin are all made divine, and reason and conscience as having authority vanish’. [19] In the sequel, we find a full restatement by Bowne of the main theme of the Schellingian and speculative theist criticism of Hegelian and similar pantheism:

[Block quotation:] What is God’s relation as thinking our thoughts to God as thinking the absolute and perfect thought? Does he become limited, confused, and blind in finite experience, and does he at the same time have perfect insight in his infinite life? Does he lose himself in the finite so as not to know what and who he is, or does he perhaps exhaust himself in the finite so that the finite is all there is? But if all the while he has perfect knowledge of himself as one and infinite, how does this illusion of the finite arise at all in that perfect unity and perfect light? There is no answer to these questions so long as the Infinite is supposed to play both sides of the game. We have a series of unaccountable illusions, and an infinite playing hide and seek with itself in the most grotesque metaphysical fuddlement. Such an infinite is nothing but the shadow of speculative delirium. These difficulties can never be escaped so long as we seek to identify the finite and the infinite. Their mutual otherness is necessary if we are to escape the destruction of all thought and life. [20]

This mutual otherness is also demanded by morality and religion. Pantheism is ‘inconsistent philosophical speculation’, not religion. The latter demands ‘the mutual otherness of the finite and infinite, in order that the relation of love and obedience may obtain’. The union sought by love and religion ‘is not the union of absorption or fusion, but rather the union of mutual understanding and sympathy, which would disappear if the otherness of the persons were removed. Any intelligible or desirable longing after God or identification with him would vanish if we should “confound the persons”.’ [21]

Bowne’s ethics is in my view much less developed as a specifically personalist one than that of the speculative theists or of Seth. As we have seen, Grubbe held that the theistic view of the source and the authority of the moral law had often been distorted and not understood with sufficient purity or philosophical precision. Bowne similarly voices reservations against simplistic renderings of it. [22] Rather than ‘formal moral judgements’, for him, Christianity has contributed ‘extra-ethical conceptions which condition their application’, and ‘moral and spiritual inspiration’. In outline, Bowne shares the European personalists’ understanding of the moral law. It is not, he says, ‘merely a psychological fact in us, but also an expression of a Holy Will which can be neither defied nor mocked’. Christianity sets the principles of the old law in a new setting ‘which makes them practically new’. Our moral nature is the same, but ‘the conditions of its best unfolding have been furnished’ in that ‘Love and loyalty to a person take the place of reverence for an abstract law. The law indeed is unchanged, but by being lifted into an expression of a Holy Will it becomes vastly more effective.’ The characteristic connection between ethics and religion is equally clear: Christianity ‘sets up a transcendent personal ideal which is at once the master-light of all our moral seeing, and our chief spiritual inspiration’. [23] It is striking, however, that Bowne does not in his ethics develop these concepts philosophically to anything close to the extent that the Europeans do. As we have seen, Knudson claims that Bowne’s is the most distinctive form of personalism. But it is hard to see that Bowne’s ethics is more distinctively personalist than that of the earlier or contemporary Europeans. This is confirmed by the fact that while dealing with the epistemological and metaphysical significance of the moral consciousness, Knudson’s book simply leaves out the specific treatment of the ethics of Bownean personalism.

Bowne rejects what he calls ‘objective eudemonism’, the standard form which has brought ‘eudemonism’ [24] in disrepute by seeking the ‘grounds’ of happiness without and neglecting ‘the siginificance of the personality within’ and ‘the demand for inner worthiness on the part of the moral subject’. But of course, he accepts the higher personalist sense of eudemonism: ‘All values, all goods, must finally be expressed in terms of the conscious well-being of the living self – in other words, in terms of happiness.’ But in personalist eudemonism, ‘happiness is largely determined by the reaction of the personality upon itself’. The ideal moral good is a positive concept, ‘conscious life in the full development of all its normal possibilities’, and its attainment involves the perfection not only of individual life but of ‘social relations’, and thus has community as its precondition. [25]

Formal, negative ethics is thus considered insufficient by Bowne as by all personalism. It is here that Bowne directly refers to Jacobi: ‘It was’, Bowne thinks, ‘the emptiness of all purely formal ethics which led to Jacobi’s famous protest in his letter to Fichte’. ‘[N]o sufficient law of life’, Bowne continues, ‘can be found in formal ethics alone, and…we must look not only to form but also to ends and outcome’. The negative view that the moral value of a deed is proportionate to the will’s overcoming of the passions or interests Bowne deems true only ‘from the side of merit’. The positive view is the true one ‘from the side of the ideal’. In this view, ‘the easier the deed the better; as when the will and desires move together in well-doing, and righteousness has become incarnate in the entire nature’. In the personalist version of this classical German idealistic neohumanism, which Bowne represents, the positive view is ultimately not merely an ideal of action; it is an ideal of being, of personality: ‘Moving inward from the deed to the doer, we find at once the personal source and the personal incarnation of the deeds. Here we come upon life itself, and we judge it not only by its intermittent manifestations but by its abiding principle. This is character, the final object of all moral approval or condemnation.’ [26]

This positive content and the ends of Bowne’s personalist eudemonism are, however, not just individual but both individual and social. It is crucial to be clear about the exact relation between these in Bowne’s philosophy. Not only is social ethics and its common good not exhaustive – ‘The moral ideal binds the individual…also in his self-regarding activities and thoughts’ – but ‘the centre of gravity of the good lies within the person himself’. There is, Bowne writes, no common good if any individual ‘is sacrificed in his essential interests, or is used up in his service’. The individual must share in the good he produces; he ‘may never be regarded as fuel for warming society’: ‘In our zeal against our native selfishness, we must not overlook the fact that the individual has rights against all others, singly or combined, and that in a moral universe provision must be made for maintaining them.’ When Bowne, as the only alternative to theories of force and values, affirms the moral person as ‘the unit of values in the moral system’, an unconditional end in itself from which all other ends ‘acquire their chief significance’ and to which they ‘owe all their sacredness’, with an absolute value in himself without which ‘no community of such persons can have any value’, [27] we must keep in mind that the moral person is conceived by Bowne in the personalist manner as concretely individual, in contradistinction to the general rational personality of Kant.

Bowne, like some of the early speculative theists in the age of neohumanist idealism, speaks of ‘the ideal of humanity’. The individual is ‘not simply the particular person, A or B, he is also a bearer of the ideal of humanity’. Bowne writes, on the one hand, that the duties to self which must in a sense ‘take the first rank in ethics’ consist in the individual’s ‘regarding in both its positive and its negative bearings’ this ideal in his life, in ‘developing and realizing’ it by ‘the due unfolding’ of his powers. But on the other hand, the ideal not only depends for its realization ‘pre-eminently upon himself’; it is abundantly clear that it can be realized only in himself qua individual, that his and others’ individuality is ontologically primary and not subordinate to the ideal as an impersonal universal. This becomes particularly evident in Bowne’s view of society. Not even the ideal of society is the ‘incarnation of the moral order of the world’, the ‘end of human development’, with the individiual existing only as ‘the material for filling out the social form which…has supreme value in itself’. Society is instrumental. Although as such, it has authority and may legitimately use coercion within its sphere, ‘the individual is the only concrete reality in the case, and…all social forms…must be judged by their relation to the realizing of personal life. The family, the state, the church have no value or sacredness in themselves, but only in their securing the highest good for living persons.’ [28] But more than this, Bowne elsewhere explicitly, and consistently with his general philosophy, states that ‘the race’, ‘the species’, and ‘humanity’ are mere logical fictions. Christianity took ethics beyond the limitations of the ‘narrow world view of the Greeks’ as well as of ‘the externalism of modern secular philanthropy’. The ethics of both of these was marred by generalism. Bowne’s criticism of philanthropy is particularly characteristic. Having

[Block quotation:] no outlook beyong things seen, and no power to cleanse more than the outside of the cup and platter, [it] must confine itself to sanitation, model tenements, the distribution of soup, and similar matters. These things are no doubt good, and, in their way, necessary; but they lead to so little for the individual that the sure outcome of this kind of thinking is to replace the individual by the “race” or the “species”, or “humanity”, or some other logical fiction, as the thing to be worked for. [29]

Reading this criticism, one thinks not primarily of the utilitarians, but, although the description does not fully fit them, of Upton’s criticism of the absolute idealists, who in this regard were not so far from them, Bosanquet engaging in social work in London’s East End. Philanthropy was of course rather an idealistic phenomenon than a utilitarian one. But the main point here is that it follows from Bowne’s criticism that the ideal of humanity must in itself include man’s individuality and not merely be an abstract universal exhortatively set against it. This is confirmed when Bowne states that ‘moralized humanity, or the moralized human person in a moralized society, is the highest good possible to us’ –  the relation between the person and society being the one just described. In reality, when Bowne speaks of the ideal of humanity, he refers not to a something collectivly and uniformly realizable by the species, but to certain eminently human qualities which the individual should, and alone could, realize. This becomes more obvious when he exchanges ‘ideal of humanity’ for ‘human ideal’: ‘A complete law of duty for us must include both a human ideal and also a law of social interaction.’ [30]

This insight into the primacy of concrete individuality with regard to both reality and value, and the view of moral and axiological universality and objectivity as indissolubly manifest only in this distinctly, more-than-Hegelian concrete form that is the properly personal one, suffuses the whole of Bowne’s social and political philosophy. It should by now be plain that Bowne’s personalism represents a direct continuation of the European tradition; and there is no need to argue against Breckman that this tradition is not politically reactionary as taken over, restated, and developed by Bowne. Rather, it is necessary to point to the continuity with the conservative side of the earlier European tradition. Bowne’s social and political philosophy is strongly reminiscent of the moderate, historicist, and creatively traditionalist liberalism of the best among the European personalists in its criticism of a priori speculation and deduction, of abstract formulae and abstract hypostatization of society, of abstract individualism, of abstract universal philanthropy, of the excesses of democracy, of license, of the homo oeconomicus of classical political economy, and of  utopianism.

Bowne’s personalism is clearly a modern phenomenon, and as such it does contain not only many distinctly modern philosophical elements, but also portions of a more general humanism which are absent from classical Christian orthodoxy and which set it apart from pre-modern intellectual currents with which in other respects it has much in common, even as these latter currents, like those contained in Augustinianism broadly defined, in their personalistic features contain seeds precisely of the modernity Bowne espouses. It must be admitted, Bowne writes, that ‘while the great inspirations of life come from the Christian world-view, the concrete forms of duty must be found mainly in the life that now is. This is the important truth in secularism, the truth which religiosity has so often missed.’ Although, with the exception of the term ‘secularism’, this could probably have been written by Luther or Wesley, it does, alongside the general if by no means unqualified historical progressivism which he shared with most personalists and other nineteenth-century idealists, indicate the modern, and not unproblematic, humanist element in Bowne’s thought. But it is interesting to see how he always keeps this humanism connected to his religion, how aware he is of the errors and dangers of secular humanism. Reaching the conclusion with personalist eudemonism that the ‘realization of normal human possibilities is…the only conception possible of human good’, he immediately goes on to point out that this ‘is true even if we adopt a mystical religious view, as, for instance, that God is the supreme good; for plainly in such a view there is the implicit assumption that thus we should reach the highest and truest spiritual life’. It is also interesting to see how very much aware Bowne is – again like other personalists – of the constitutive limitations of this life and this world. ‘Ideal character’, Bowne says, is possible under ‘untoward circumstances’, but ‘ideal life’ requires ‘an ideal environment’ which ‘[a] world like the present, where the creature is most emphatically “made subject to vanity”’, can never provide: ‘When science has done its best, and when the evil will has been finally exorcised, there will still remain, as fixed features of earthly life, physical and mental decay, bereavement and death; and none can view a life in which these are inevitable as having attained an ideal form.’ [31]

And as for Pringle-Pattison and Upton, these imperfections have a meaning. For Bowne, the world is ‘a training school for character’. [32] Only for abstract, academic speculation does the problem of the compatibility of pain and suffering with ‘infinite benevolence’ arise, the view that such benevolence ‘might as well make us happy at once and without effort on our part’, ‘as if the only good in life were passive pleasure, and the only evil passive pain’. But life’s values are revealed, and tested, only in life. Bowne’s theodicy is thus the same as that of the British personal idealists, sharing the same spirit of Victorian idealism at its best, free from sentimentality, and fittingly expressed in the same unpompous and modestly ornate style:

[Block quotation:] To all this life itself is the answer. The chief and lasting goods of life do not lie in the passive sensibility, but in activity and the development of the upper ranges of our nature. The mere presence of pain has seldom shaken the faith of any one except the sleek and well-fed speculator. The couch of suffering is more often the scene of loving trust than are the pillows of luxury and the chief seats at feasts. He that increaseth knowledge increaseth sorrow, but we would not forego the knowledge to escape the sorrow. Love, too, has its keen and insistent pains, but who would be loveless on that account? Logic and a mechanical psychology can do nothing with facts like these; only life can reveal them and remove their contradiction. [33]

[1] Knudson neatly summarizes its importance for personalism: ‘As over against absolute idealism personalism…is realistic in the sense that it maintains that existence is something other and deeper than thought. To set a thing in reality means more than simply to think it. It implies a deed, a creative act. How creation is possible we do not know, but the term at least brings out the distinctiveness of reality and the mystery that surrounds it. The soul is more than a thought-process; it is the source of thought rather than its product. This holds true of God as well as of man. Real existence is personal, not simply ideational; it is spiritual, not merely logical. In thus emphasizing the concrete, the extralogical, the volitional character of reality personalism retains a realistic element that the absolute idealist seeks to dissolve away.’ The Philosophy of Personalism, 225-6.

[2] Bowne, Theism, 164, 206, 218.

[3] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 65.

[4] Ibid., 66, 104, 107.

[5] Bowne, Theism, 288-90.

[6] Bowne, The Principles of Ethics, 107.

[7] Bowne, Theism, 287-90.

[8] Bowne, Personalism, 96, 278-9.

[9] For Howison, the social nature of personalism was so fundamental that it became an argument against creation: just as the finite persons could not be persons, not be themselves, without their relations to each other and to God, God, being a person, could not be himself without his relation to the finite persons, and thus he could in no sense have existed without them: they are co-eternal with God, the existence of one involves the existence of the other. Howison significantly emphasizes that reciprocal rights and duties are a prerequisite of personality. The true independence and freedom of the finite self would be impossible if the latter was created, for then it would be nothing but the expression of the will and purpose of his creator. Knudson replied that the Deity might itself be social in nature, i.e. have personal distinctions within itself as in the Trinity, and that creation may be eternal, that God may be thought of as eternally creating free spirits; The Philosophy of Personalism, 60. Their true freedom is for Knudson perfectly compatible with their createdness. Although their creation is of course a mystery which transcends us, ‘[o]nly on the basis of a mechanical conception of causality can it be claimed that every effect must be predetermined by its cause. Of a free Creator it certainly may be affirmed that he can create in his own image, even though the process is hidden from us’; ibid., 58-9.

[10] Bowne, Personalism, 280-1.

[11] Ibid., 96, 271, 273-7.

[12] Ibid., 276-8. Bowne takes over Lotze’s view of the interaction of the Many through the One; Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 197-200.

[13] Bowne, Personalism, 20-1, 25, 53.

[14] Bowne, Theism, 231-3

[15] Bowne, Personalism, pp. vi-vii.

[16] Ibid., 104, 106, 160-2, 187-8, 197-8.

[17] Ibid., 215-16.

[18] Ibid., 177-9.

[19] Ibid., 282-3.

[20] Ibid., 283-4.

[21] Ibid., 284-5.

[22] Bowne, Theism, 253; Bowne, The Principles of Ethics, 188.

[23] Bowne, The Principles of Ethics, 201-2.

[24] I use Bowne’s spelling in this section.

[25] Bowne, The Principles of Ethics, 55, 57, 69.

[26] Ibid., 35, 122-3.

[27] Ibid., 72, 113, 199, 208-9.

[28] Ibid., 209, 252.

[29] Ibid., 203.

[30] Ibid., 69-70, 111.

[31] Ibid., 69-70, 73-4, 204.

[32] Ibid., 74.

[33] Bowne, Theism, 280-1.

Bowne’s Idealistic Personalism, 3

Introduction

Personal “Reason” and Impersonal “Understanding”

The Personal Absolute

Although the personalists share some ground with absolute idealists, the former’s conception of the absolute is, as we have noted, more than a mere superimposition upon that of the latter. It has, in Knudson’s words, lost its ‘blank negativity and its all-devouring unity’, it is no longer the ‘undetermined ground of the universe’. Knudson holds that Bradley and Bosanquet both tend to interpret Hegel in the light of Spinoza. Both explicitly deny personality as an attribute of the absolute. Instead, they designate the Absolute as ‘superpersonal’, but they thereby ‘lapse into an agnosticism akin to that of Herbert Spencer, for no definite meaning can be attached to the phrase’. [1]

The absolute can for Bowne be accepted only as personal, and this conclusion is based on the epistemological insights regarding the relation of personal reason and experience on the one hand and abstractive understanding on the other. Tracing the personal to the impersonal involves a ‘logical aberration’; ‘uncritically handled’, the law of sufficient reason leads us to seek to explain the explanation, losing us in the infinite regress. [2] Demanding causation, it ‘always shuts us up to barren tautology when impersonally taken’; it only repeats the problem. [3] In reality, the regress ends with intelligence; we cannot get behind it and understand it as ‘something welling up from impersonal depths behind it’:

[Block quotation:] When we look for something beneath intelligence, we merely leave the supreme and self-sufficient category of personality for the lower mechanical categories, which are possible only in and through intelligence. The law of the sufficient reason is a most excellent principle; but of itself it does not tell us what can be a sufficient reason. Reflection shows that only living intelligence can be a sufficient reason; and logic forbids us to ask a sufficient reason for a sufficient reason. [4]

Plainly, ‘intelligence’ is here personal intelligence, intelligence as inseparable from personality. The self ‘is not to be abstractly taken. It is the living self in the midst of its experiences, possessing, directing, controlling both itself and them’. [5] For Bowne as for all personalists, there is no impersonal reason at all: ‘Reason itself is a pure abstraction which is realized only in conscious spirits; and when we abstract from these all that constitutes them conscious persons there is nothing intelligible left’; impersonal reason can signify nothing but ‘a blind force which is not reason, but which is adjusted to the production of rational results. In this sense any machine has impersonal reason.’ [6]

The impersonalists’ conception of universal reason as the same in all, with the finite mind participating in it ‘as one of its phases or manifestations’, is dismissed as an ‘echo’ of scholastic realism. [7] The explanatory emptiness of the metaphysics of universalist abstractionism is revealed, and countered with the familiar speculative theist argument:

[Block quotation:] There is no system of things in general, or of unrelated general laws. There is only the actual system of reality; and the divine thought and activity which produce this actual system must be as manifold and special as the facts themselves. The simplicity of the class term does not remove the complexity and plurality of the individuals comprised under it; and for each of these special facts, there must be correspondingly special thoughts and acts [in the ‘divine thought and activity’]. [8]

Impersonal reason and abstraction yield the view of unity as ‘simplicity, or the opposite of complexity and variety’, which, as applied to the world-ground, reduces the divine being to ‘a rigid and lifeless stare’. This ‘brings thought to a standstill’ and ‘explains nothing’, it ‘contains no ground of differentiation and progress’. As we have seen, monism is accepted by Bowne, not in the sense of pantheism or materialism, but in the sense of the unity of the world-ground that it is imperative also for any proper theism to maintain. Interaction between independent things is impossible; its ultimate explanation is found only in a fundamental, unitary reality, which is the independent, infinite world-ground, the absolute. But such an absolute does not exclude freely posited, non-restrictive relations. The required  monism is a theistic monism, not one of bare simplicity and emptiness. It must not only coordinate the interaction of independent things and beings, it must also be able to explain and produce them: ‘the unity of the world-ground must contain some provision for manifoldness and complexity’. The only unity that can do this is that of the ‘free and conscious self’, the known and concrete unity of personal experience: ‘[F]ree intelligence by its originating activity can posit plurality distinct from its own unity, and by its self-consciousness can maintain its unity and identity over against the changing plurality. Here the one is manifold without being many. Here unity gives birth to plurality without destroying itself. Here the identical changes and yet abides.’ [9]

As with unity, so with unchangeability: this consists not in ‘an ontological rigidity of fixed monotony of being’, but – as Lotze had already said – in the ‘constancy and continuity of the law which rules its several states and changes’. As applied to God, it is ‘the divine nature which exists through all the divine acts as their law and source’. But this constancy and continuity ‘can be found only in personality’, in which it ‘does not consist in any rigid core of being, but rather in the extraordinary power of self-consciousness, whereby the being distinguishes itself from its states, and constitutes itself identical and abiding’. Changelessness can be understood only in terms of living experience; it is not ‘the rigidity of a logical category but the self-identity and self-equality of intelligence’. Like change too, it has to be interpreted ‘in the concrete…with reference to self-consciousness’. [10] And so also with omnipresence, eternity, omniscience, omnipotence. By taking categories and relations of thought abstractly, Bradley finds only contradictions, and his attempt at resolving them in the absolute fails as long as the absolute is impersonally understood as well. [11] The whole series of attributes of the world-ground is personalistically reinterpreted by Bowne, largely on the basis of the phenomenality of space and time as understood by personalism.

Bowne’s whole argument in favour of the personalistic conception of the absolute conjoins the now familiar criticism of the abuse of abstractive reason with this stronger insistence on and the new implications drawn from the phenomenality of space and time, which are central in his general metaphysics. It is this that in Bowne’s system provides the philosophical basis for the distinctive dynamism of personalism, in its view of the universe as well as of the absolute itself. All along, it is certainly, as Knudson held, with enthusiasm that Bowne makes use of and develops Lotze’s positions, and in the general analysis of experience he is also in line with other American idealists at the time, who did not, however, draw out and emphasize the distinctly personalistic implications.

With regard to the pan of the hen kai pan, Bowne of course denies that the infinite is ‘the quantitative all’. This too is an abstraction, ‘a mental product which represents nothing apart from our thought’. The infinity of the world-ground means simply that it is ‘the independent source of the finite and its limitation’. [12] The universe as a totality does not exist in space, but ‘only in the infinite consciousness and will’, in the absolute being who alone transcends space ‘in the sense of limitation’. The divine intelligence is the ‘place’ of the world, and from this spaceless place, space relations are established. For the finite being too, for whom experienced objects are spatially related and whose temporally structured experience is a mark of limitation, it is true that we do not act where we are, but are where we act – which fact is of course the experiential ground for the speculative conclusion regarding the analogous but unlimited reality in the absolute. Concrete presence is ‘a function of our dynamic relations’ and relative to the ‘dynamic range’ and power of the mind’s apprehending activity; it is not a question of filling an absolute, independent space. [13]

Nor is experience ‘in the present as a separate point of time, but rather the present is in experience’; ‘The person who can grasp only a few things has a small present; one who can grasp many things has a larger present; and one who can grasp all things has an all-embracing present or a changeless now.’ The absoloute person possesses the whole of his experience in immediacy of consciousness, in a state of complete self-possession and self-realization, ‘so as to be under no law of development and possessing no unrealized potentialities’. This alone is what omnipresence in space and time, as well as the transcendence of space and time, could mean. Regarding the absolute as subject to some ‘necessary and successive development’ means ‘speculative disaster’. [14]

Bowne insists, like Boström, that this does not imply any ‘rigid monotony of being’ but that it is to be thought of as ‘the perfect fullness of life, without temporal ebb or flow’. Just as other idealists of personality had objected to this, finding the alleged difference from Aristotle hard to discern or insufficient, so later American personalists moved in the direction of a metaphysical temporalism and even relapsed to the Schellingian position of a ground in God, which implied the idea of a developmental absolute. In this they went much further than the normal personalist alternative of attempting, like Pringle-Pattison, to conceive of an absolute that included both timelessness and temporal experience. If for Boström the spatiotemporal world was exclusively a phenomenon in the finite being’s experience, it was for other personalists a phenomenon or an ‘appearance’ for the absolute too, as it were. And there are many formulations that point in the direction of this position in Bowne as well. It is of course necessary for Bowne to preserve the dynamism of the life of the absolute itself, to maintain the proper, distinctive conception of the personal absolute in contradistinction to the mechanical or logical mechanism of naturalisistic and absolute idealistic impersonalism which, as Bowne sought to show, explains nothing. Dynamic existence is for him part of the concept of personality, and since Bowne insists that since God’s transcendence of time ‘means essentially his absolute self-possession and lack of our human limitations which grow out of our dependence’, it is possible, Bowne thinks, to save God’s ‘relations of sympathy with the world of finite spirits’. God is not fixed transcendence but part of the ‘cosmic movement’. For Bowne, ‘a staticably immovable and intellectually monotonous being’ is something quite different from ‘a self-sufficient, self-possessing, all-embracing intelligence, which, as such, is superior to our finite temporal limitations’. [15]

Obviously, there is a difference between the supreme intelligence as ‘an abstract logical mechanism or function of categories’ and Bowne’s concept in that the former subordinates personality to a higher rational order; not even personality in the meagre form of a mere static conscious gaze is necessarily a ‘function’ of categories. And for Bowne as for other early personalists, there is no sharp separation of the divine will from the divine nature. Yet his insistence on the supreme intelligence itself as at the same time ‘a Living Will’, as ‘a synthesis at once of knowledge and power’, [16] does not in itself differ from those of the more explicitly or strictly atemporalist personalists; they used the same language.

It is rather due to the fact that his general reinterpretation of the attributes of the absolute presupposes temporality as a kind of phenomenon for the absolute itself as well as for the finite beings that Bowne really begins to move toward a more fully dynamic idea of the personality of the absolute. Knudson states that it is because God ‘is a Person’ that he can initiate change while remaining super-temporal and uninvolved. This, Knudson explains, ‘is the mystery of personality’, and indeed ‘its most distinctive characteristic’. Through the concept of personality it is possible to understand the causal initiation of change in a different sense than, for instance, the teleological pull of the strictly timeless consciousness of Aristotle’s God. But what is according to Bowne the relation of God to this change? The answer is that in contradistinction to Boström, the changing world is experienced as such not only by the finite beings, but also directly by God. Since the subordination of the forms of intuition and of the categories to individualistically and voluntaristically conceived personality, and their inclusion in the living experience of such personality, must hold not only for finite persons but for the absolute world-ground, both time and timelessness are part of the experienced world of God. In Knudson’s words, ‘[t]he cosmic order may very possibly have for him, as it has for us, the temporal and spatial form’. [17]

In the next chapter, we will have the opportunity to return to this aspect of what could perhaps be called the question of the degree of dynamism of the personality of Bowne’s absolute, as we look at Bowne’s view of the relation between the personal absolute and the finite persons. For now, it is sufficient to understand Bowne’s more general arguments for the primacy of personality even as the absolute.

If we suppose with abstractionist impersonal rationalism that ideas precede personality, we must, Bowne writes, ask where they exist. If in time and space, they would ‘dissolve away in the dialectic of spatial and temporal existence’; the position is impossible on Bowne’s view of the phenomenality of space and time. If in consciousness, it would be ‘contrary to the hypothesis, which is that they are preconditions of consciousness’. They thus retreat, as the only remaining alternative, ‘into some kind of metaphysical nth dimension, where we cannot follow them because they mean nothing’. Furthermore, if we suppose the relations between these abstract ideas to be purely logical, the intellect to be ‘merely a set of logical relations’, and ‘the universe…a logical implication of ideas’, all the contents of the universe would be ‘as eternal as the ideas’. There would be ‘no room for change, but all their implications would rigidly coexist’. All the contents of finite minds would, as ‘implications of eternal ideas’, be ‘equally eternal’. Here, of course, also the moral and theological problems of pantheism become evident: ‘as error and evil are a manifest part’ of these supposed contents of the finite mind, ‘it follows that they likewise are necessary and eternal. Hence we should have to admit an element of unreason and evil in the eternal ideas themselves’. ‘There is no escape from this result as long as we look upon the intellect as a logical mechanism of ideas’, Bowne explains: ‘Only a living, active, personal intelligence can escape this fatalism and suicidal outcome of the impersonal reason. A purely logical and contemplative intellect that merely gazed upon the relations of ideas, without choice and initiative and active self-direction, would be absolutely useless in explaining the order of life. [18] The earliest personalist arguments are here merely repeated:

[Block quotation:] The essentially impersonal can never by any logical process other than verbal hocus-pocus, which is not logical after all, be made the sufficient reason for a personal development. But our existence does not really abut on, or spring out of, an impersonal background; it rather depends on the living will and purpose of the Creator. And its successive phases, so far as we may use temporal language, are but the form under which the Supreme Person produces and maintains the personal finite spirit. [19]

The world ‘is not merely an idea, it is also a deed. It is not merely a presentation to us which ends in itself, it is also a revelation of the cosmic activity of the Supreme Will.’ It is ‘a thought expressed in act’. The universe is ‘the divine thought finding realization through the divine will’. Freedom and uniformity or necessity coexist in the absolute being in the same personal manner as in ourselves. [20] Similar formulations could be found in mediaeval theists; but in view of the modern understanding of self-consciousness and phenomenal experience characteristically added by modern personalism, they acquire a different meaning in Bowne.

Interestingly, alongside the conceptions of the world-ground as impersonal reason, Bowne also turns against various typical forms of romantic philosophy. Most importantly, he explicitly rejects the imperfect theism of the later Schelling. In this explicitness at least he seems to be unique among the British and American personalists, and it connects him even more closely with the concerns of the post-Schellingian personalists in Europe: ‘The existence of the world in God means simply its continuous dependence on him. To find the world in God in any discriminable ontological form, such as Schelling’s “dark nature-ground”, would cancel his necessary unity. The experienced relation of active intelligence to its products is the only solution to this problem.’ [21]

Other romantic notions, some of which are quite irrationalistic, such as the idea of the world-ground as ‘pure will’ and as ‘unconscious intelligence’, Bowne dismisses, together with the notion of impersonal reason, as mere ‘empty phrases, obtained by unlawful abstraction’. These notions, it is important to understand, were normally derived directly from that side of the philosophy of the later Schelling which the personalists rejected. Schopenhauer’s pure will, without intellect or personality, is ‘nothing’: ‘Will itself, except as a function of a conscious and intelligent spirit, has no meaning’. Without ‘the conscious perception of ends and the conscious determination of the self according to those ends’, all that is left is ‘the conception of a blind and necessary force’. The same holds for the position of Eduard von Hartmann. All of these doctrines share a ‘notion of an impersonal spirit, which is the ground of all existence, and which comes to consciousness only in finite spirits’. It is all just ‘atheism under another name’; again, romantic pantheism turns out to be virtually or actually identical with naturalism: ‘What the atheist calls persistent force or the fundamental reality, is here called impersonal spirit; but the meaning is in both cases the same. Both alike understand by the terms that blind and necessary reality which underlies all phenomena, and which, in its necessary on-goings, brings to life and death.’ [22]

But even when it has established that the absolute must be active, metaphysics has only reached a most incomplete idea of God: an idea which, Bowne holds, pantheism, even atheism, might accept. Although Grubbe did not, or could not for chronological reasons consider the later romantic philosophical extravaganzas that Bowne took into account, both the argumentative progression and the substance of Bowne’s reasoning about the attributes of the absolute, gradually leading up to the full conception of its personality, are noticeably similar to what we find in him. Like Grubbe, Bowne first establishes the attributes ascertainable by the use of the ‘understanding’ and the ‘speculative intellect’ alone, which cannot  lead to ‘a properly religious conception, but only to the last term of metaphysical speculation’. This, Bowne echoes Jacobi, is where Aristotle ended; for him ‘God has a purely metaphysical function and significance’ and is not yet ‘the object of love and trust and worship’. In line with his discussion of Comte, Bowne shares the new personalist view that the human race originally had the full, religious conception, and that the metaphysical one is a later abstraction. The religious attributes, as Grubbe calls them, the attributes that ‘concern the divine character, or ethical nature’, cannot be deduced by pure speculation; we have to go beyond the understanding in accordance with what we saw in the previous chapter, appealing to experience and to faith in the ideal of the perfect being. Only in this way can we reach the full religious concept of the personal absolute. [23]

But having reached it, what Bowne calls ‘the antinomy of the theistic argument’ must still be addressed: the objection that personality is not attributable to the absolute and infinite. It seems as if ‘we are shut up on the one side to the belief in an intelligent, and hence personal, world-ground’ while at the same time ‘we are shut out on the other by the contradictory character of the conception’. We are shut up to the former since Bowne’s version of personalistic epistemology and metaphysics has already shown that the alternative conception, ‘the notion of impersonal existence’, is contradictory too. Conscious thought he had shown to be ‘the supreme condition of all existence’; he had shown that ‘[t]he universe of experience has no meaning or possibility apart from conscious intelligence as its abiding source or seat.’ The ‘speculative dogma that personality is second and not first’ had already been reversed, so that ‘living, personal intelligence’ had been established as ‘the only possible first’. It still seemed unclear however where these conclusions left us with regard to the conceptual contradictoriness of the theistic antinomy. In addition to his general conclusions regarding the nature of the world-ground, Bowne therefore also embarks on his own rendering of the Lotzean and other earlier personalist arguments specifically pertaining to this issue. As signifying ‘only self-knowledge’, ‘self-control’, and ‘self-direction’, personality, he first states, has ‘no implication of corporeality or dependent limitation’. Self-consciousness does not require finitude, the self does not need a not-self. Nor does God, as the developmental pantheists held, need the finite ‘in order to realize his own ethical potentialities and attain to a truly moral existence’. Pantheism ensues when the moral is thus made ‘subordinate to the metaphysical’ and ‘the proper absoluteness of God is denied’; it becomes ‘pronounced’ when ‘God apart from the world’ is conceived to be ‘as impossible as the world apart from God’. [24] Instead of making personality in God possible, the relativization of God rather cancels it. This is a considerably stricter theistic position than Pringle-Pattison’s. As for Illingworth, it is only the personalistic and theistic concept of the absolute with its partial transcendence that preserves the proper absoluteness of the absolute. [25] Pantheism is at once bogged down in relativism.

The objections against the personal conception are ‘largely verbal’, Bowne asserts, and many of them spring from a ‘literal anthropomorphism’. [26] But ‘Laying aside…all thought of corporeal form and limitation as being no factor of personality, we must really say that complete and perfect personality can be found only in the Infinite and Absolute Being’. Here Bowne’s formulations are not original at all or even more ‘exciting’, but merely restatements of Lotze’s. Only in this absolute being ‘can we find that complete and perfect selfhood and self-possession which are necessary to the fullness of personality’. We must beware lest we transfer onto the ‘Supreme Person’ the limitations, accidents and peculiarities of our ‘human personality’. The ‘notion of personality’ does not necessarily include them, but only ‘fullness of power, knowledge, and selfhood’ are ‘the essential factors of the conception’: [27]

[Block quotation:] A thought life so different from ours eludes any but the vaguest apprehension on our part. Its unchanging fullness yet without monotony, the structure of the absolute reason also which determines the eternal contents of the divine thought, the timeless and absolute self-possession – how mysterious all this is, how impenetrable to our profoundest reflection. We can see that these affirmations must be made, but we also see that in a sense they must always lie beyond us. Here we reach a point where the speculation of philosophy must give place to the worship and adoration of religion. [28]

This insistence on the radical difference harmonizes with the metaphysical considerations which led to the reaction among subsequent American personalists of calling for a termporalist conception of God and in that respect for a God more personal in the human sense – and to go so far as to abandon the whole concept of the absolute.

This, however, was not a return to Jacobi, but rather to that side of the later Schelling which the speculative theists rejected. With this move, the continuity in the development of personalism was broken, and we stand before a personalism of a distinctly neoteric, twentieth-century variety. For Bowne, enough of the characteristics of human personality were preserved in the divine for the personal absolute still to be a viable concept. In this as in other respects, Bowne seems to belong securely in what I regard as the original, European tradition of personalism.

[1] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 32, 64.

[2] Bowne, Theism, 168.

[3] Bowne, Personalism, 262.

[4] Ibid., 168-9.

[5] Ibid., 262.

[6] Bowne, Theism, 158-9.

[7] Ibid., 202.

[8] Ibid., 242-3.

[9] Ibid., 50-62, 173-5.

[10] Ibid., 178-9.

[11] Bowne, Personalism, 259-60.

[12] Bowne, Theism, 164.

[13] Bowne, Personalism, 141-3, 146.

[14] Ibid., 143-6, 148.

[15] Ibid., 149-50.

[16] Bowne, Theism, 289, 322.

[17] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 236.

[18] Bowne, Personalism, 255-7.

[19] Ibid., 265-6.

[20] Ibid., 108, 159-60, 205-6.

[21] Bowne, Theism, 203.

[22] Ibid., 157-8, 160.

[23] Ibid., 62, 248-50.

[24] Ibid., 150, 162, 164-7, 169, 287-8.

[25] For Bowne’s view of transcendence, see ibid., 209, 244-7. Again as for Illingworth, God’s self-limitation for the purpose of the relative independence of finite beings is in reality an expression of God’s absoluteness; Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 64.

[26] Bowne, Personalism, 266.

[27] Ibid., 266-7; Bowne, Theism, 170-1.

[28] Bowne, Theism, 170-1.

Bowne’s Idealistic Personalism, 2

Introduction

Personal “Reason” and Impersonal “Understanding”

Since my purpose is to demonstrate that it is the pre-Lotzean, European personalistic tradition that Bowne takes over and develops further, I will focus less on the original contributions of Bowne than on the features that establish his personalism as belonging to the older philosophical and theological current. With the American personalism of Bowne, we come to the work on which the definitions of personalism that I have looked at in Chapter 1 were for the most part based. The purpose of this section on American personalism and those in the following chapters is to show by reference to and by a more detailed treatment of Bowne’s work itself – and drawing also on Knudson, one of the most faithful followers of Bowne, to the extent that his formulations bring out better than Bowne’s own the similarities with early European personalism – that these definitions indeed do describe the same personalist movement as the one we have now, in one aspect, studied in its earlier European development.

It is in the preface to Personalism that Bowne makes the historical observation I mentioned in Chapter 1: Comte, he says, was right that explanation in terms of personality was historically primary, and also in his view of abstract metaphysics as merely ‘the ghost of earlier personal explanations’. ‘[T]he conceptions of impersonal metaphysics’ are now seen to be ‘only the abstract forms of the self-conscious life’, which ‘apart from that life…are empty and illusory’. Where Comte went wrong was in his failure to understand the meaning of the primordial personalism, the ‘personal beginning of all speculation’. It is this meaning, obscured throughout most of the history of philosophy, that Bowne sets out to explain. If we do not understand ‘the primacy of the personal world from the start’, we are led ultimately to naturalism and the ‘elimination of personality altogether’ through the notions of objective space and time, matter, force, ‘impersonal substances’ – all of which are ‘abstractions broken from the system of living experience’. Accepting them as reality is to transcend experience through the ‘crude metaphysics’ of common sense. Bowne’s position, as that of all earlier personalists, is that the experiential element in common sense must be retained, but that if it is not combined with critical idealism it will soon lead to the mistaken view of reality represented by realistic empiricism, given the common proneness to the fallacies of abstraction. Experience must be ‘accepted as trustworthy as far as it goes’. Science studies the laws of experiential phenomena in space and time and legitimately introduces a limited range of hypothetical inferential interpretation within its own sphere. Comte was right in his restriction of science to ‘the investigation and registration of the orders of coexistence and sequence in experience’. But spatiotemporal, phenomenal experience as a whole must be transcended for its ultimate explanation, and this can be properly done only through the interpretation of philosophy. This implies ‘a personal interpretation of experience’, the first step to which ‘consists in the insight that we are in a personal world from the start, and that the first, last, and only duty of philosophy is to interpret this world of personal life and relations. Any other view can only lead to the misleading abstractions and aberrations with which the history of thought abounds.’ [1]

If we do not understand the ‘concrete process’ of knowing as ‘necessarily individual’, the result will be a ‘confounding of all distinctions’ which may lead to the conclusion that ‘the subject of the universal experience is the same as the subject of the particular experience – a dark saying, to which unfortunately no key has been furnished’. [2]

The first experiential fact is for Bowne ‘the validity of our personal knowledge’, which includes ‘our mutual understanding of one another’. [3] A doctrine which overlooks this fact, a doctrine which fails, as Kant’s does, to consider the given ‘plurality of persons’, relying only on the process of knowledge in abstraction from it, ‘must end in solipsism’:

[Block quotation:] [I]f we make the world of things subjective presentations because the knowledge of them arises through our mental construction, we must do the same thing with the world of persons, for the knowledge of them has an equally subjective character. Kant passes from the “me” to “us” without telling us how he makes the transition. He really begins with “us” – not merely with the individual self, but with the whole collection of individual human beings – and gets an experience valid for us all in exceedingly obscure ways. But what Kant did not do the critic must do, and we must inquire into the relation of these many minds to one another ina system of phenomenal knowledge. [4]

Pringle-Pattison and others before him had reached their personalistic conclusions after having begun with the analysis of the impersonalist idealists’ absolute, universal ‘Self’, operative in all the finite and supposedly merely phenomenal ones, and of the problematic trajectory through which Kant’s transcendental ego was developed into this conception. They had then pointed to its problems in the face of the experiential givenness and reality of finite persons. But some had also tended to start directly from the epistemological significance of the concrete plurality of the latter. Although he too gives an account of the development of absolute idealism, [5] this is the method preferred by Bowne:

[Block quotation:] [T]he basal certainties in knowledge are not the ontological existence of material and mechanical things, but rather the coexistence of persons, the community of intelligence and the system of common experience. And these are not given as speculative deductions, but as unshakable practical certainties. We cannot live intellectually at all without recognizing other persons than ourselves, and without assuming that the laws of intelligence are valid for all alike, and that all have the same general objects in experience…These are the deepest facts and presuppositions, and they involve some profound mysteries; but they cannot be questioned without immediate practical absurdity. [6]

But again, it is not that the self is dependent on other finite selves for its identity, as in Hegel’s process of Anerkennung. The experienced ‘living, conscious, active’ empirical self is not a phenomenon, but the most concrete reality. It is the transcendental ego, understood as separate from this self, that is a mere ‘fiction’. Kant’s phenomenalism is an abstract deduction contrary to experience. It is not needed to refute the claims of the rational psychologists, nor is it proved by their paralogisms. Things may be regarded as phenomenal, but it is impossible to understand the self as phenomenal in the same sense: the certainty of self-existence, of the self ‘as the subject of the mental life and knowing and experienceing itself as living, and as one and the same throughout its changing experiences, is the surest item of knowledge we possess’. [7]

In his brief summary of his own position cited in Chapter 1, Bowne stressed not least his combination of a certain kind of realism with idealism – the non-Hegelian combination which, as we have seen, in more or less developed forms was definitional of the development of personalism from a very early stage. In Bowne’s works, this synthesis or interplay of  transcendentalism and empiricism, activity and passivity of the mind, creativity and receptivity, mediation and immediacy, are explained at length.

It might perhaps look as if Bowne’s stress on the active contributions of the mind is stronger than that of earlier European personalists, and that in this respect he is more of a Kantian and less of a Platonist than they. But this is not necessarily the case. The new partial insights of Kant in this field were assimilated by all nineteenth-century personalists – and modified in a manner similar to that of Bowne. For Bowne too reinserts Kantian mental activity into a broader idealistic and partly Platonic framework. The notion of the active mind can be found to some extent already in the Plotinian and the Augustinian tradition. Knudson argues – somewhat sweepingly – that the Platonic and Kantian traditions are essentially the same in their insistence on the reality of the self, the independence of reason, and the creative activity of thought; it is only the method of argument that differs. Plato’s reason is ‘not concerned with the data of sense, nor even general notions abstracted from them, but with an independent realm of ideas’; both traditions vindicate the claims of reason, the higher interests of man. What is important for the personalist in the doctrine of the creative activity of the self is primarily its metaphysical implications: the reality of the self, its identity, unity and permanence, holding together the experiential complexity and flow. [8]

Experience goes beyond sense experience to include ‘the data of self-consciousness’, ‘the inner experience of the conscious self’. In the inner world, there is immediacy of experience. Although for Kant the categories derived concrete meaning from experience, he neglected or misunderstood inner, personal experience. For Bowne the latter becomes the key to the interpretation of the categories, and since in contradistinction to outer perception it is immediate, the categories become categories of reality. While remaining preconditions of experience, their true meaning can be realized only in ‘living self-experience’. [9] Providing elaborate analyses of the categories thus understood, he concludes, with regard to the category of identity, that it ‘is given as the self-equality of intelligence throughout experience’ and that ‘any other conception destroys itself’. The category of unity similarly

[Block quotation:] may be purely formal, as when we call a thing one; but when we come to real unity only experience can tell us whether it be possible and what form it must take on. There can be no real unity in anything existing in space and time, for in that case everything would be dispersed in infinite divisibility. We find the problem solved only in the unity of a conscious self, which is the only concrete unity that escapes the infinite dispersion of space and time. [10]

The category of causality cannot be thought ‘abstractly and impersonally’, for we then ‘find ourselves lost in the infinite regress, and if we escape it we have no means of telling whether there is anything corresponding to our ideas or not’. In general, ‘[i]t is absolutely necessary to find in experience something that will insure that our ideas have some corresponding concrete existence; or else we are simply shuffling verbal counters’. The meaning of causality can only be found in ‘the self-conscious causality of free intelligence’. [11]

The problem of change and identity eludes us or vanishes in contradiction when we transfer it to ‘the impersonal world of space and time and abstract principles’; it has to be referred to the experiential world of the self-conscious subject, the ‘fixed point’ which is the ‘origin of ordinates in this field’. [12] And so with the problem of unity and plurality. In concrete, conscious experience, the unity of the self is inseparable from plurality, although it does not produce or explain it: the plurality is an aspect of the unity: not of ‘an abstract unity without distinction or difference’, but of ‘a living, conscious unity, which is one in its manifoldness and manifold in its oneness’. This is contradictory only for formal, discursive thought; ‘taken concretely it is the fact of consciousness’. [13]

All of this illustrates what Bowne in his brief Selbstdarstellung termed ‘transcendental empiricism’. It is the doctrine that

[Block quotation:] all thought about reality must be rooted in experience and that apart from experience we never can be sure whether our conceptions represent any actual fact or not. The categories themselves are not something which precede the mind and found its possibility. They are rather modes of mental operation. They are the forms which the mind gives to its experience, but the mind is not to be understood through them. Rather they are to be understood through the mind’s living experience of itself. [14]

Through this transcendental empiricism, the extra-mental universe of common-sense realism, the unknowables of agnosticism, the ‘transfigured realism’ which defines reality ‘apart from intelligence and ends by presenting us with a set of barren and worthless abstractions as the truly real, while the whole system of living experience is excluded from reality altogether’, and the ‘static universe which eludes knowledge’, are all refuted. [15]

Although there is no immediacy in outer perception, as naturalism asserts, there is yet in it a given ‘other’. It is a phenomenon, but not of an unknowable noumenon. It is a real appearance, an appearance of reality through which we have real knowledge of it. [16] Fichte had rejected Kant’s thing in itself as unaffirmable; Bowne, with all personalists, asserted that it was not only affirmable but knowable, albeit not in any simple, non-idealist manner. That which shall explain the given experiential world must to some extent be knowable through its causal relations to it, whereas that which is ‘truly extra-mental’, which is ‘beyond thought and independent of it and in no way amenable to it’, is according to Bowne ‘an impossible conception’. [17]

Kantianism had failed to refute the scepticism engendered by Cartesian radical dualism (just as, it might be added, this Cartesian dualism had thus itself obviously failed to refute the scepticism engenderd by late mediaeval radical, nominalistic voluntarism [18]), and epistemological monism, both of the absolute idealist and the neorealist variety, had succeeded it. Personalism, in its resistance to the polarized yet interconnected and interdependent extremisms of modernity, returns, in a limited sense, to a pre-Cartesian position. For Bowne, epistemological monism not only makes knowledge impossible. It also destroys ‘the independence and distinctive worth of personality’: ‘If personality is to maintain its integrity, it must be kept “a handbreadh off”, both from the Absolute and from things; and this means an epistemological dualism, no matter what one’s theory of things or of the Absolute may be.’ But the dualism of personalism is different from the Cartesian; it steers a ‘middle course between agnostic dualism and an impossible identification of thought and thing’. [19] Rejecting Cartesian dualism as well as the monistic reactions against it, personalism’s positive alternative, while drawing on premodern traditions, is still a modern synthesis. The experienced phenomenal order mediates a real content knowable by our categories, but the precondition of this is that behind it is ‘a Supreme Intelligence which manifests his thought through it and thus founds that objective unity of the system of experience which is presupposed in all our knowing’. [20] The necessary dualism on which personalism insists against absolute idealism is explained and made possible by the parallelism of a ‘theistic monism’, where God is the source of the thing-series as well as the thought-series. Things are knowable since minds are created in the image of the underlying intelligence. [21] The ‘theistic suggestion’ that the phenomenal world of things originates in and expresses thought brings it ‘within the thought sphere’. The Berkeleyan streak in Bowne’s personalism appears: things are ‘independent of our existence’ but not of ‘all thinking’: it is as in this sense situated ‘within the thought sphere’ that they are knowable. Significantly, after having excluded a priori reasons for the unknowability of things, Bowne continues, in the same sentence, by saying that this solution ‘assimilates the problem of knowledge to that of mutual understanding among persons’. [22]

Bowne’s personalist epistemology is a late product of the development that started with the late eighteenth-century distinction between Vernunft and Verstand. [23] Reason in a broad sense, as the whole field of conviction and insight, is distinguished from reason in a narrow sense, as the faculty of inference through argument; and the misuse of ‘the understanding’, which Bowne uses in a largely Coleridgean sense, is criticized. When the understanding oversteps the limits of its proper sphere and moves into metaphysics, claiming to provide in its geometrically and numerically expressed concepts and laws ‘veritable transcripts of reality’, it errs, sometimes falling into ‘the pernicious errors of materialism and atheism’. It cannot account for ‘the essential dynamism’ of the metaphysical system; and the science based on it has ‘neither the call nor the power to penetrate’ into the realm of ‘true efficient causality’. [24]

In the chapter in Personalism entitled ‘The Failure of Impersonalism’, Bowne compresses and restates the detailed arguments in his Theory of Thought and Knowledge and his Metaphysics regarding the untenability of the two forms of impersonalism against which all personalism turns: that of naturalism and that of absolute idealism. They both have the same principal epistemological point of departure:

[Block quotation:] Uncritical minds always attempt to explain the explanation, thus unwittingly committing themselves to the infinite regress. Accordingly when they come to living intelligence as the explanation of the world, they fancy that they must go behind even this. We have the categories of being, cause, identity, change, the absolute, and the like; and intelligence at best is only a specification or particular case of these more general principles. These principles, then, lie behind all personal or other existence, as its presupposition and source, and constitute a set of true first principles, from which all definite and concrete reality is derived by some sort of logical process or implication. [25]

In typical personalist fashion, Bowne points to the consequences of this view, which had been amply demonstrated in the actual historical development in Germany. ‘[I]dealistic impersonalism’ is in ‘its origin…antipodal to naturalism, but in the outcome the two often coincide’. Bowne mentions that D. F. Strauss said that the difference between Hegelianism and materialism ‘was only one of words’; this, Bowne adds, ‘was certainly true of Hegelianism of the left wing’. [26] The monism of neorealism, which reduces thoughts to things (or aggregates of sense-qualities), is parallel to that of absolute idealism, which reduces things to thoughts; and just as rationalistic materialism has historically developed into rationalistic absolute idealism, so the latter has led back to naturalism. [27] Impersonalism ‘is a failure whether in the low form of materialistic mechanism or in the abstract form of idealistic notions…personality is the real and only principle of philosophy which will enable us to take any rational step whatever’. [28] Bowne analyses the confusion of logic and ontology, the progression from abstraction to deduction, in terms identical with those of Jacobi and the earlier personalists. [29]

The onesided theoretical approach to metaphysics overlooks the importance of will and active causality, reducing things to objects of knowledge, to ideas; and since the mind too is such an object, it is likewise reduced to an idea or collection of ideas; next ‘the personal implication’ is eliminated from these ideas, and mind is regarded as ‘a function of impersonal ideas’. The purely epistemological interest ‘seeks to make ideas all-embracing’, making us ‘unwilling to admit anything that cannot be conceptually grasped’. We are left with ‘a tissue of abstractions’. [30] In absolute idealism, everything is generated within thought itself, thought is made all-inclusive. [31] But ‘[t]he impersonal idea is a pure fiction. All actual ideas are owned, or belong to some one, and mean nothing as floating free.’ Impersonalistic idealism assumes that the categories can be conceived in themselves, that they are ‘in a measure the preconditions of concrete existence’, so that ‘we might almost suppose that a personal being is compounded of being plus unity plus identity plus causality, etc.’ [32]

The problem can be solved only if raised to the personal plane, where ‘we take the terms in the meaning they have in living experience’. Abstractly conceived, the categories are easily made contradictory and worthless – as, we add, was evident in Bradley. But philosophy is concerned only with the forms the categories ‘take on’ in concrete, ‘living experience’. There, they turn out to be compatible. [33] In sum, personality

[Block quotation:] can never be construed as a product or compound; it can only be experienced as a fact. It must be possible because it is given as actual…When we have lived and described the personal life we have done all that is possible in sane and sober speculation. If we try to do more we only fall a prey to abstractions. This self-conscious existence is the truly ultimate fact. [34]

We should note this presence of the language of life in Bowne, who lived in the era of the life-philosophy of which Jacobi and the later Schelling were distant pioneers. Beyond the understanding, self-knowledge rests on ‘our living self-consciousness’. We conceive, but we also live: ‘This living indeed cannot be realized without the conception, but the conception is formal and empty without the living. In this sense intelligence must accept itself as a datum, and yet not as something given from without, but as the self-recognition of itself by itself.’ [35] Life proceeds on ‘a vast deal of informal and instinctive inference’. ‘If one were called upon to formally justify his confidence in another, he would not succeed. The formal statements would seem cold and equivocal alongside of the confidence of friendship.’ Logic cannot fully reproduce this intuitive immediacy. This is especially true with regard to the ‘highest and deepest things’: ‘Here the whole man enters into the argument, and not simply the understanding as an isolated faculty.’ Moral action must supplement passive contemplation. And the matter of arguments which ‘root in life itself’ often ‘elude definite and adequate statement’, there is ‘an unformulated activity of the mind which is the real gist of the reasoning’. Because of this primacy of the person and the life of the person, the relation of character and belief familiar from Jacobi, Fichte and Schelling must still be taken into account: ‘Since the belief expresses the life, it must vary with it’; this explains ‘the peculiar moral quality that attaches to certain beliefs. It would be quite absurd to hold one responsible for belief, if it were always the passionless conclusion of a syllogism. But some beliefs express the believer himself, what he loves, what he stands for, what he desires to be. Such beliefs have personal and moral quality.’ A man’s beliefs depend upon what he is rather than upon logic; arguments are often ‘little more than pretexts, or excuses, for a foregone conclusion’; the ‘living movement of conviction’ is determined by the underlying ‘vital process’. It is through this personal life that we reach insight not only into reality in general, but also, and inseparably, into the nature of God; humanity’s faith in divine righteousness is discovered through ‘open field’ study of ‘the entire movement and manifestation of humanity’, ‘the historical drama of humanity’; and feeling the force, the meaning, and the profundity of ‘the ethical demand for an ethical Creator’ is possible only through ‘living participation in the moral effort and struggle of humanity’. [36] As we saw in the discussion of Lavely’s article on personalism in the last chapter, with Brightman, it became possible to find a personalist version of the ‘dialectical movement toward wholeness’ in philosophy; it is easy to see the need, for the pusposes of the philosophical assimilation and elaboration of the historical experience gained in the way Bowne describes, for an adequate form of dialectical reason. Of course, to some extent, such reason is in reality already operative in the personalists’ account of the limits of the ‘understanding’ and what lies beyond them.

Knudson dwells the consequences of the intellectualism of the Greeks, which did not allow a full understanding of the significance of the will and the emotions for knowledge. Even Plato’s Good was intellectualistically conceived. This intellectualism was taken over by mediaeval thought. Against the impersonal reason of the tradition of natural theology stood only outer, religious authority. Natural theology relied merely on the perceptual and logical facultiles. [37] Truth was either factually or logically established, or asserted by authority. Practical reason, will, and emotion had no standing within philosophy and philosophical theology. Yet in the ‘proofs’ of God and immortality, valuational elements were smuggled in – as a residue, it might be added, of the pre- and early-scholastic tradition. [38] With the rise of modern rationalism and empiricism, however, such elements were increasingly separated from the perceptual and logical faculties, so that, for instance, teleology was rejected.

Knudson significantly focuses exclusively on Kant’s reaction against this development, and thus misses Jacobi’s analysis of the emergence of the worldview of enlightenment rationalism and its distinctly modern kind of impersonal pantheism. Only with Kant there appeared for Knudson in the course of modernity a position which not only harmonizes with religion but ‘also with that type of philosophy which sees in personality something deeper, broader, and more divine than the perceptual or logical faculty’. The ‘deepest truth of reality’ is ‘derived from our ethical and spiritual nature, from that practical and vital experience that lies back of all purely intellectual processes’; ‘life is deeper than logic’. Yet Knudson is of course perfectly clear about the respects in which Kant’s position is insufficient and mistaken from the personalist point of view. Personalism goes beyond Kant in its understanding of the cognitive function of the volitional and emotional aspects of our nature, their warrant for affirmations about ultimate reality. Kant’s distinction between faith and knowledge is too sharp. Knowledge is not confined to phenomena, and theoretical reason itself implies faith: it demands for its satisfaction to pass beyond the phenomenal, it cannot dispense with the metaphysical categories, or eliminate value. Since mechanical causality is always incomplete, for reality to become a coherent whole, knowledge must rise to free, non-mechanical causality, guided by purpose. Theoretical and practical reason thus cannot be separated in the Kantian fashion; practical reason is theoretically necessary. [39] It should be added that Fichte too had transcended the Kantian distinction, but only in the context of his general modern constructivist development of idealism; personalism’s fusion of theoretical and practical reason was in some respects, and mutatis mutandis, rather a renewal and variation of the Platonic and Augustinian traditions.

The many sides of the life of the mind are developed into separate aspects of Bowne’s epistemology. Their postulates and assumptions are not speculative constructions or logical deductions but expressions, implicit in life, of our ‘practical and ideal interests and necessities’, representing ‘the conditions of our fullest life’. [40] Faith is implicit or immanent in reason. It is not a question of outside validation of knowledge, as in pragmatism. The faith of reason, Knudson explains, is an ultimate, underived, undeduced, ‘axiomatic act’, an autonomously valid, self-certified, immediate practical assumption and presupposition. In addition to the intellect it ‘embraces also the aesthetic, the moral, and the religious faculty, and affirms the autonomous validity of each’. [41] These are independent yet co-ordinate forms of mental activity:

[Block quotation:] [T]he interests of truth, goodness, beauty and God belong together. To cast discredit on one is to weaken faith in all. Hence personalism insists on the trustworthiness of both the theoretical and the practical reason…Both, when thought through, involve faith in the ideal, and faith in one form of the ideal is as valid as faith in any other form…The conflict between intellectualism and voluntarism…turns out to be a conflict between two types of faith or value; and the solution of the conflict lies in the recognition of the validity of both. [42]

The cognitive, moral, and religious ideal tendencies, interests, and postulates, arising from our total nature and experience, are logically clarified and harmonized by philosophy. [43] The various ‘faculties’ are expressions of ‘a deeper underlying reason’, deeper than the formal understanding. Ultimately, it is ‘that deepest of all rational unities, the personal spirit. Personality with its fundamental needs and interests is the fountain-head of all that passes under the name of reason, whether it be theoretical or practical’. [44]

Religion is part of experience, and thus ‘must receive its recognition and interpretation as belonging to reality’; it is ‘[t]his fact preëminently’ that ‘leads to a personal conception of existence’. [45] Religion is ‘a function of the entire man’: Purely metaphysical arguments do not give ‘the full religious conception of God’, the actual grounds being not only intellectual but ‘emotional, aesthetic, and ethical’; ‘The needs of the intellect, the demands and forebodings of conscience, the cravings of the affections, the impulses of the aesthetic nature, and the ideals of the will, – all enter into the problem, apart from words of revelation, or any direct influence of God on the soul.’ The idea of God is not demonstrable by anything, yet it is implicit in everything. [46] But religion is more than ideas of theoretical and even practical reason, it is a path that demands ‘practical realization of [the] divine presence’: beliefs ‘must be lived to acquire any real substance or controlling character’; we must ‘build them into life and organize our lives around them’; ‘If we ignore them practically we may soon accost them skeptically; and they vanish like a fading gleam.’ [47] Typically, along with the onesided rationalism which leads to naturalism, irrational fideism is also rejected. Religious impulse or instinct is not enough. Conscience is emphasized, and the role assigned by personalism to the understanding and to logic and metaphysics is certainly important too. [48]

The faith that is immanent in reason is also free; the presence of faith and volition at the basis of reason is itself evinced by the possibility and reality of doubt and error. ‘Our faculties are made for truth, but this alone does not secure truth’, and the laws of thought ‘do not of themselves secure obedience’. [49] The facts of doubt and error disprove the unity of thought and thing. It is here that Bowne makes his contribution of explaining the theoretical and not merely practical significance of freedom. [50] Error is accountable for only by freedom. Necessitarian systems can make no distinction between true and false and between rational and irrational beliefs, since both must be equally ineluctable effects, regardless of whether they are produced by a spiritual or a material mechanism. ‘Any system which makes error necessary and cosmic destroys itself’. [51] Determinism leads to scepticism and irrationalism. Since for necessitarianism truth and error have the same source, it is mere accident that the one is called true and the other false. [52] ‘[T]he actual is all’. If they are both necessary, there is no means of or rational standard for distinguishing between them. And even if there were such a standard, we would not be able to use it without freedom. [53] Without freedom, argument and persuasion are absurd. Thus only on the plane of freedom do truth and error acquire significance; only to free agents, persons, is rationality possible. [54] Freedom is not opposed to reason, or to a ‘modest’ science of phenomena, but only to ‘some absolute “Science”, that is, that speculative theory which ignores the indications of experience and the practical aim and foundation of concrete science, and seeks to bind all things together in a scheme of necessity’; this is ‘only inconsistent and illiterate dogmatism, a pseudo-science and an enemy of humanity’. Necessitarian speculation, arising out of abstractive rationalism of the idealist or materialist variety, only begs the question, telling us nothing about what will happen but only that what happens is necessary. [55]

Rejecting necessitarianism, Bowne, as we will by now expect, at the same time rejects ‘the opposite abyss of lawless caprice’. [56] Freedom is not ‘pure lawlessness’. [57] The mistaken idea that this is the only alternative has been a support of necessitarianism, but the mind must then ‘vacillate between the two extremes, being driven out from either as soon as it grasps its implications’. The solution is to carry ‘everything back to intelligence, while resolutely eschewing every attempt to comprehend intelligence as the result of its own categories, or to do anything with it but experience and use it’. [58] Freedom is the concretely experienced power of self-direction. It is not a matter of freedom from motives, but of choice among motives not wholly determined by the motives themselves. Of this ‘mystery of self-determination’, Bowne writes that it is ‘the central factor of personality, the condition of responsibility, and the basis of the moral life’. It canot be ‘mechanically analyzed’ or deduced as necessary; ‘The attempt to analyze it contradicts it’; ‘it can only be experienced’. Freedom presupposes for its meaningfulness ‘a basis of fixity or uniformity’. Yet their coexistence is not a compound of them as abstractly preexistent: as such, and thus as contradictory, freedom and uniformity or necessity simply do not exist. As in the case of unity and plurality, reality is immediately and concretely given under these dual aspects. We find this in the experience of our own thought: the laws of thought are given in the fixed nature of reason, but they are not necessarily obeyed. Only by our free act of accepting them do we become rational. [59]

Although Bowne’s special contribution was this exposition of the theoretical meaning of freedom, there was for him a definite parallel betwen theoretical and moral freedom. In Knudson’s words: ‘Rationality…implies the possibility of error as morality does the possibility of sin. But if error and sin are necessary, there is manifestly an end to faith in reason and conscience.’ [60]

By means of the consistent development of personalist thought, Jacobi’s form of ‘realism’ has in Bowne’s philosophy been retrieved and consolidated within a rational idealism. The essential elements of Jacobi’s criticisms and positive suggestions seem to be preserved at a higher philosophical level. We ‘conserve the sense of reality and validity in knowledge, and at the same time recognize the results of criticism. We remain where we began, in the world of personal experience, and with the strengthened conviction that this world can never be explained on any impersonal plane.’ This lays the foundation for the achievement of Jacobi’s objectives: saving ‘life and mind and morals and society’. [61]

[1] Bowne, Personalism, p. vi, 25-6, 32-6, 45-53.

[2] Ibid., 59-60.

[3] Ibid., 80.

[4] Ibid., 84.

[5] See, for instance, Bowne, Theory of Thought and Knowledge, 302-4.

[6] Bowne, Theism, 127-8.

[7] Bowne, Personalism, 86, 88.

[8] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 124, 136-8.

[9] Bowne, Personalism, 99-102.

[10] Ibid., 103.

[11] Ibid., 103-4.

[12] Ibid., 124.

[13] Ibid., 261-2.

[14] Ibid., 104-5.

[15] Ibid., 109-10.

[16] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 146.

[17] Bowne, Personalism, 91-2.

[18] The kind of voluntarism which, as Knudson elsewhere makes clear, personalism rejects; Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 166.

[19] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 113-14, 166.

[20] Bowne, Personalism, 78, 89.

[21] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 153.

[22] Bowne, Personalism, 92-3.

[23] The ‘pragmatism’ attributed to Bowne by James and others seems to me to be limited to his view of the scientific use of Verstand; Bowne, Personalism, 97-9, 117, 151-2.

[24] Ibid., 26, 32, 152-3.

[25] Ibid., 218-19.

[26] Ibid., 219.

[27] If ‘we regard the divine thought as identical with cosmic thought and as constituting a logical process, sufficient in itself, without a guiding or realizing will, we lose ourselves in a wholly abstract conception of reality and fall into a devastating pantheism or naturalism. This is the peril that confronts absolute idealism, and we can escape it only by surrendering its monistic epistemology.’ Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 107-8.

[28] Bowne, Personalism, 263.

[29] Ibid., 238-9.

[30] Ibid., 253.

[31] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 103-4, 106-7.

[32] Bowne, Personalism, 253-4.

[33] Ibid., 260-1; cf. 253-4.

[34] Ibid., 264-5.

[35] Ibid., 258.

[36] Bowne, Theism, 36, 259-62.

[37] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 159.

[38] Knudson significantly discusses this whole subject, from Plato to Kant, in terms of ‘value’.

[39] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 98, 155, 161-2.

[40] Bowne, Theism, 17-18; cf. 38.

[41] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 147-8, 162.

[42] Ibid., 166-7.

[43] Bowne, Theism, 22-3, 29, 31.

[44] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 164-5.

[45] Bowne, Personalism, 292.

[46] Bowne, Theism, 9, 15, 48.

[47] Bowne, Personalism, 325-6.

[48] Bowne, Theism, 9, 28, 33, 39.

[49] Bowne, Theory of Thought and Knowledge, 143.

[50] The central formulations are found in chs. 10 and 11 of Theory of Thought and Knowledge, and in part 3, ch. 4, of Metaphysics.

[51] Bowne, Theory of Thought and Knowledge, 239.

[52] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 149; cf. Bowne, Personalism, 200-2, where Bowne extends the argument to include all ‘materialistic, atheistic, necessitarian, and mechanical philosophies’.

[53] Bowne, Theory of Thought and Knowledge, 242-3.

[54] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 151.

[55] Bowne, Personalism, 209, 211-12.

[56] Bowne, Metaphysics, 417.

[57] Bowne, Personalism, 204-6.

[58] Bowne, Metaphysics, 417-18.

[59] Bowne, Personalism, 199-200, 205-6, 209-10.

[60] Knudson, The Philosophy of Personalism, 154.

[61] Bowne, Personalism, 110, 235-6.