Stig Strömholm: Miniatyrporträtt

Mest romantiker

Norstedts, 1981

Baksida:

StrömholmNär Stig Strömholm på våren 1978 gav ut sin första volym med Miniatyrporträtt hälsades den som en stor händelse i det svenska kulturlivet där denna art av lärda essayer hade blivit mycket sällsynt. Men boken var någonting mer än lärd underhållning. “Stig Strömholm är inte bara kvick, underhållande och lärd”, skrev Thure Stenström i Svenska Dagbladet. “Han är i sitt umgänge med vissa viktiga värden också djupt allvarlig.”

Som “en bildad vägledning genom en personlig och rikhaltig boksamling” karakteriserade Madeleine Gustafsson Stig Strömholms första Miniatyrporträtt. Med den nya volymen utökas vägledningen på en serie väsentliga punkter. Bland de viktiga författaröden som Strömholm denna gång tar sig an kan nämnas: Keats, Byron, Chateaubriand och Charles Lamb.

Karl Albrecht Schachtschneider: Die Rechtswidrigkeit der Euro-Rettungspolitik

Ein Staatsstreich der politischen Klasse

Kopp, 2011     Amazon.de

Kurzbeschreibung:

Milliardenschweres Unrecht! Wie die fatale Euro-Rettungspolitik gegen Verträge und Verfassung verstößt.

Die Europäische Währungsunion ist – zumindest in ihrer derzeitigen Form – gescheitert. Doch Politiker und Eurokraten schnüren weiterhin gigantische Rettungspakete, um das Siechtum des Euro zu verlängern. Dafür werden die Steuerzahler der Geberländer über Jahre hinaus mit Hunderten von Milliarden belastet. Politiker nennen die Rettung “alternativlos”. Karl Albrecht Schachtschneider nennt sie hingegen “Unrecht”. Der Autor des vorliegenden Buches gehört zu den fünf Professoren, die vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht gegen die Griechenlandhilfe und den sogenannten Euro-Rettungsschirm klagten. Sie eint die Überzeugung: Die Fatalität des Euro-Abenteuers ließe sich rasch beenden, wenn einfach bestehendes Recht verwirklicht würde. Dann wäre Europa wirtschaftlich und politisch zu retten.

Die logische Gliederung des Buches erlaubt es dem Leser, sich abseits der Aufgeregtheiten tagespolitischer Diskussionen ein eigenes Bild von den Risiken der vermeintlichen Euro-Rettung zu machen. Im ersten Teil legt Schachtschneider präzise den Sachverhalt dar und dokumentiert die beschlossenen Hilfsprogramme. Breiten Raum nimmt dabei der umstrittene Europäische Stabilitätsmechanismus (ESM) ein, der im Jahr 2013 an die Stelle der Europäischen Finanzstabilisierungs-Faszilität (EFSF) treten soll. Für die EFSF und den ESM gebe es weder eine Vertrags- oder Verfassungsgrundlage noch eine ökonomische Begründung, kritisiert Karl Albrecht Schachtschneider.

Die Transfer-Milliarden zur angeblichen Euro-Rettung drohten, die bereits heute zu hohen Staatsschulden der Geberländer weiter eskalieren zu lassen. Die deutsche Kreditwürdigkeit werde dadurch ein leichtes Opfer unverantwortlicher Politiker, schreibt der Autor.

Im zweiten Teil des Buches listet Schachtschneider minutiös die Vertrags- und Verfassungsverletzungen im Zusammenhang mit den Griechenlandhilfen und den Euro-Rettungsprogrammen auf. Im dritten Teil stellt er den Rechtsschutz der Deutschen dar.

Wohin das Unrecht der Euro-Rettungspolitik führt, daran lässt der Autor keinen Zweifel: Der Versuch, die Lebensverhältnisse in ganz Europa mit Milliardentransfers und ohne Rücksicht auf die Leistungen der einzelnen Menschen und Völker zu vereinheitlichen, werde zu einem Europa der “sanften Despotie” und zu einer “Diktatur der Bürokraten” führen.

Ein Buch, das Hintergründe transparent macht und eine Fülle von überzeugenden und belastbaren Argumenten gegen die Euro-Rettungspolitik liefert. Nüchterne Fakten, die in dieser aufbereiteten Form bisher nirgends zu lesen waren.

Über den Autor:

Wikipedia

Pantheism, Postmodernism, Pop, 1

For many years, postmodernism, in the broad and loose American sense which includes also the main thinkers of poststructuralism, has come under attack in academia from various quarters, and some of its influence should be described in the past tense. But if it is receding, it has of course, like all the successive movements in the shifting pageant of modern intellectual and academic life, left a permanent legacy which is taken up in more or less recognizable forms in subsequent thought. Not only is it still a relevant analytical category in the effort to understand contemporary culture, but as a product of what I call the pantheistic revolution, it stands in an indissoluble relation to some of the movements which have recently supplanted it and which are also products of this same revolution.

This is one of the things which can best be seen by applying the analytical concept of a pantheistic revolution that comprises both modern romanticism and modern rationalism. Derridean deconstruction and similar strategies were Americanized postmodernism’s new attempt to break down what the prominent scholar of romanticism Morse Peckham described in terms of “orientation”, the fixed, dualistic, hierarchical and of course allegedly unreal constructs of order of Platonism and Christian theology as well as of Enlightenment rationalism. In a sense, postmodernism still constructed the world out of the self and the self out of the world, but there was no longer any explanation or deduction from an empty, unitary principle behind this process. All first principles, comprehensive systems, supreme propositions, and overarching theories were now rejected, and considered possible to reject. There could be no ontotheology, no centre, no master narrative. The hierarchical, vertical, “arborescent” structure of knowledge with clearly classifiable branches stemming from an original unitary principle was abandoned by Deleuze in favour of a horizontal or subterranean, “rhizomatic” knowledge. The use of a vague, poetical, allusive, metaphorical and analogical language in Ahrimanic opposition to the – always caricatured – limitations of the clear and distinct Ohrmazdic conceptuality of Descartes, the “idées claires”, “règles”, and “forme” defended by French classicist critics of romanticism like Pierre Lasserre, was taken to new extremes.

Modern rational exploitation, domination and control of nature, and traditional spiritual transcendence of it, became ever more indistinguishable. Postmodernism opposed mainly the rationalistic, epistemological subjectivity of modernity, but failing increasingly to perceive the difference between such subjectivity and the subjectivity of moral and religious consciousness in the Platonic and Christian traditions, it tended to reduce the latter to the former and to and reject all subjective identity based on the qualities of consciousness as an imperialistic metaphysics of presence and logocentrism.

This is one of the reasons why postmodernism must be seen as a chapter in the long story of modern romanticism, restating some of its oldest and most basic themes in terms the newness of which can delude us only if we do not grasp the depth and pervasiveness of the romantic movement as quintessentially defining Western culture at present no less than two hundred years ago. For the postmodernist, the rationalist, abstract straitjacket of the logocentric metaphysics of presence stifles the play of  dualities and binary opposites that the earlier romantics sought in various ways to reunite, but which were now even more fluid, unstable, and ambiguous, and the indeterminate play of which was now – also largely in line with Adorno’s negative dialectic – simply to be set free without even an ideal of synthesis.

In Lasserre’s words about romantic thought, “la Définition est la mort de la pensée”; we stand before a “laisser-aller infini”, and “le caractère indéterminé des représentations” is indeed, and again, “mêlé d’une sorte d’enthousiasme”. The effect of the new wave of release was of course, as ever, revolutionary, guided in the new, indirect fashion by “l’esprit de nivellement par en bas dans l’ordre de la culture”. [Le romantisme français (1907) – page number missing in my notes, but will be added when I next consult this book in the library.] But after Heidegger there were no longer any claims either to human divinity or to the spontaneous harmony consequent upon its liberation. With deconstruction, postmodern culture finally passed unambiguously beyond even the distorted remnants of what Peckham analysed in terms of the tragic vision that were still cultivated or manipulated by modernism. In this state, where all objective distinctions of reality were suspended or dissolved in the directionless process of what was originally pantheism, the whole content and meaning of art, which previously depended on these distinctions, were ultimately reduced, if not to sheer nonsense, at least to triviality.

For the distinction between romanticism before and after the complete loss of the tragic vision can be linked to a distinction Robert Pattison makes in The Triumph of Vulgarity: Rock Music in the Mirror of Romanticism (1987) between vulgar and non-vulgar romanticism. Even rapture, ecstasy and joy, which were still goals of romantic aesthetics, are “states impossible for the vulgar pantheist. To be rapt is to be snatched from the toil of common existence and lifted to a transcendent sphere from which to view perfection. To be ecstatic is literally to stand outside of one’s self, an incomprehensible position to the solipsist.” [Op.cit. 197.]

Already Coleridge realized that these states were incompatible with pantheism: “Pantheism, Coleridge says, is ‘the inevitable result of all consequent Reasoning in which the Intellect refuses to acknowledge a higher or deeper ground than it can itself supply’. And so pantheism is for Coleridge ‘practically atheistic’ – a belief that gives us a universe in which there is no joy because there is nowhere from which it flows or toward which we can move to find it.” It is clear to Coleridge that “we cannot have the joy of Beethoven’s Ninth and the vulgarities of pantheism together”. [Ibid.] But as pantheism triumphs and takes Western culture beyond the tragic vision, mere entertainment, “fun”, is all it can reach.

Although, as Pattison shows, the same case about the pantheistic revolution could as easily be made with reference to modernist and postmodernist art, literature, and non-popular music, it is popular music that reveals most clearly, through its “vulgar” directness and simplicity, the underlying moods, attitudes and motivations of the revolution of romantic pantheism, the momentum of the deeper cultural dynamic which encompasses also the intellectual élites or pseudo-élites of radical modernism and postmodernism.

The Triumph of Vulgarity is an analysis of rock music as a quintessential product of the pantheistic revolution, where pantheism comes completely into its own. Pattison shows how the “classical moorings” of vulgarity and refinement were dislodged by the industrial and democratic world revolutions, which were “only different names for a single upheaval” that “continues today with unabated vigor”, and which Pattison chooses “for the sake of convenience” to call “by the name of its literary incarnation, Romanticism”. [Ibid. 13.] The analysis is simplified of course, but serves, as such, to reveal some essential truths inevitably obscured by the very process that is laid bare. We recognize, as had Lasserre, the “empty principle” of one main current of romantic, radical idealism:

“Fifty years after the proclamation of the First Republic, the Romantic historian Jules Michelet still wrote of the French Revolution in the present tense, translating it from the deathbed of history to the vitality of myth. ‘The revolution is nothing but a tardy reaction of justice against the government of favor and the religion of grace.’ The Empire had memorialized itself in the friezes of the Arc de Triomphe, royalty in the palaces of the Louvre, religion in the masonry of Notre Dame. And the revolotion? ‘The revolution has for her monument – empty space.’ Michelet was thinking of the Champs de Mars, where the French nation celebrated the first Quatorze Juillet in 1790 and four years later gathered under the leadership of Robespierre to solemnize the Republic in rites now directed to a new deity, the Supreme Being, who had ousted the Christian divinity of the ancien régime. But Michelet’s ‘empty space’, where the people once assembled to celebrate the overthrow of favor and grace, is also a memorial to vulgarity and Romanticism. Refinement, the mode in which favor and grace have apprehended the world, has always made a point of filling the imagined vacuum of vulgarity with reasoned civilization. The Romantic revolution proclaims that the apparent emptiness is in fact infinite energy that needs no refined tinkering. Two hundred years after the Revolution, rock, celebrating this energy, is the liturgy of a new religion of vacant monuments, the fulfillment of a devotion begun on the Champs de Mars.” [Ibid.]

Postmodernism, like the pantheism analysed by Lasserre, “ne distingue pas entre une sensibilité cultivée et une sensibilité barbare”, it is “[le] règne de la facilité”. [See my note about Lasserre’s work and page numbers above.] Pattison shows that the sophistication of the avant-garde culture of aesthetic modernism that was considered the prime vehicle of imageless Messianic utopia under twentieth century conditions, was, despite being until recently contemptuous of the “vulgar” expression of romanticism, ultimately but a different mode of articulation of the same credo of romantic pantheism, narcissism, relativism, and democratism that defined popular culture. The bearers of the élite, avant-garde culture of aesthetic modernism looked with utter disdain on the expressions of popular culture, but the vehemence of the attack could, as Pattison almost implies, to some extent have been due to embarrasment at the vulgar versions of the romantic pantheism that was really also at the heart of their own convictions.

Today, the remaining distinctions between popular culture and the intellectual élites of radical modernism that shunned the vulgar expressions of their own positions have largely collapsed. Until recently, the postmodernist thinkers, effecting the transition to the new state of subjectless subjectivism, had in the eyes of the unparalleled quantity of students in what has been termed today’s mass university, ever more completely cut off from traditional classical and Christian culture, much of the kudos of the modernist avant-garde, and preserved through the cultivation of an esoteric, jargon-laden idiom their distance from popular culture. But the import of their theories consistently contributed to the breakdown of all such residually traditional distinctions, even as the jargon itself epitomized the distance from the foundational traditions of the West.

Thus the thinkers could be seen to become themselves mere stars in the entertainment culture, seemingly setting up increasingly spectacular and shocking intellectual or pseudointellectual shows in order to attract and retain attention. The phenomenon is both chronicled and exemplified in grotesque products of this state of affairs like James Miller’s The Passion of Michel Foucault from 1993. In the progressing pantheistic universe’s dissolution of distinctions, what popular culture staged as identity experiments and gender-bending to mass audiences, the remaining, self-dissolving avant-garde preached as deconstructionist anti-essentialism. But even the distinction in form between the two substantially identical strategies was increasingly blurred.

Ralph de Toledano: Cry Havoc!

The Great American Bring-down and How it Happened

Anthem Books, 2006     Amazon.com

Back Cover:

In the last five decades war has been declared on America and its institutions, and we are losing it. Rape and violent crime have soared. Religion and morality have been under unremitting attack. Education, once among the world’s finest, has been “dumbed down”, threatening the country’s ability to compete against an increasingly technological world. Marriage and the family, the tie that binds a viable society, are under major assault. Drug addiction, sexual license, and teenage violence have become epidemic.

How did this happen? In Cry Havoc, journalist and social historian Ralph de Toledano documents in chilling detail how a cabal of intellecutals, educrats, and politicians, manipulated by a well-financed, world-wide conspiracy, organized the strategy to undermine the American system – and how this has been accomplished. His sources have been Presidents, government and academic leaders, top-level intelligence operatives, and the wreckers themselves – in a never-told-before and in-depth account.

Cry Havoc is must-reading. The writing is at Ralph de Toledano’s best, better than which no one gets. It focuses on the historical and the contemporary, casting a sharp light on the players and the events of our deeply troubled times. The emphasis is on education, ideology, and communications, and the onslaught on American institutions, principles, and way of life is both timely and significant. Toledano has the crack journalist’s eye for sidebar information, which enlivens the reading throughout the book.”  William F. Buckley, Jr.

“Cry Havoc is not only well written but absolutely right. As one of Ralph de Toledano’s great admirers, I read this book with great enthusiasm.”  Prof. Herbert London, pres. Hudson Institute

Cry Havoc is magnificently composed and is the product of enormous research. Although I have seen much on the subject, I learned a great deal from the book. Toledano uncovers continuities between the Frankfurt School’s conspiracy and the rampant cultural terrorism in America.”  Prof. Paul Gottfried

About the Author:

Wikipedia

JOB’s Comment

Quite a few things here that are somewhat unclear to me.

Ceaușescu and the Architecture of Bucharest

There are a few things that are not generally known or understood about the central Bucharest part of Ceaușescu’s so-called “systematization”, and since my aesthetic values and standards compel me to defend – on purely aesthetic grounds – even so-called Stalinist Classical style against modernism and postmodernism, it is probably I who should say something about them.

It was of course wholly unacceptable that one fifth of historic Bucharest had to disappear to make room for the “Civic  Centre” (Centrul Civic) and the House of the Republic (Casa Republicii, now called Palatul Parlamentului or Casa Poporului). I hold that this part of Bucharest should be rebuilt, like much of Dresden, Leipzig, and Warsaw. Moreover, the circumstances of the construction seem to have been in almost all respects lamentable.

Yet whatever we may think of it in those other respects, Ceaușescu’s systematization is in the case of Bucharest’s Civic Centre, or at least its most visible and central parts, a direct continuation and renewal of a Bucharest style of the 1920s, when the city was truly Micul Paris, “Little Paris”. That particular style was not strictly one of the historical styles of the late nineteenth- and early twentieth century which gave Micul Paris most of its beauty and elegance. It was considered modern at the time, no doubt due mainly to what could be regarded as some Art Deco elements.

But Art Deco cannot unambiguously be defined as a unitary style, and those elements seem to me modest, not at all extreme. More importantly, the style also displayed some more obviously “classicist” elements, like the belvederes on top of many of the buildings. There are two examples of this style at the beginning of the Calea Victoriei by the Dâmbovița, Petru Antonescu’s so-called Gloriette Buildings from 1926, which seem to have been the main inspiration of and are indeed very similar to those of the 1980s Civic Centre.

Critics seem to think Ceaușescu forced some radical early Soviet constructivist, Bauhaus or Le Corbusier modernism on Bucharest in line with globalist, communist ideology – the so-called “international style” that should rather be called the “postnational style”. That may be true in other parts of Romania. But they fail to understand that because Ceaușescu was a kind of nationalist, he wanted, like Stalin, at least in some places, a monumental architecture that was only possible by drawing on historical tradition. Whether he achieved it or not, he clearly aspired to architectural seriousness, and needed it for his purposes.

Now, the House of the Republic differs in style from the rest of the Civic Centre area. But with the Champs-Élysées-like Unirii Boulevard (as it is called today, originally the Boulevard of the Victory of Socialism) with its characteristic, interestingly ornate lamp-posts leading up to it from the equally ornate and non-modernist fountain on Unirii Square, followed by similar but smaller ones along the way, it does so in a way that is still part of the overall plan. This building, the second largest in the world, was intended to stand out, to be unique. The effect of the whole evokes something of the legacy of imperial Rome that seems so important to the self-understanding of Romania.

Ms. Petrescu’s work, the House of the Republic, seems to me quite as misunderstood as the rest of the Civic Centre. It is said that Ceaușescu’s idea of systematization was influenced by his visit to North Korea. I am not very familiar with North Korean architecture. The best-known buildings are, so far as I have been able to see, not very reminiscent of the House of the Republic or the Civic Centre in general, but probably they are closer to other individual buildings of the systematization. Kim Il-sung seems to have done something on a similar scale to Pyongyang.

Yet if it is Antonescu’s 1920s style that explains the Civic Centre, what seems to me really to explain much of the House of the Republic, and what I think most tourists don’t know (I was told by a Romanian friend), is that the Western historical elements of its creative traditionalism are combined with inspiration from the Potala Palace in Lhasa.

It should have been built elsewhere. I am certainly not saying the Bucharest systematization was defensible in the way that, for instance, Haussmann’s Paris was – mainly because, alongside many old churches and monasteries, it was as far as I understand, if not Haussmannian, at least to a considerable extent valuable nineteenth-century buildings that were destroyed. In this as in other respects it is comparable to the Stalinallee in Berlin.

But whatever we may think of the Civic Centre and the House of the Republic in aesthetic and other terms, the facts I have mentioned should, I submit, be borne in mind. Today, when much of what survived systematization, the little that remains of Micul Paris, is also being destroyed by globalist developers and replaced by the modernism and postmodernism of new generations of bats with baby faces, both Antonescu’s original buildings on Calea Victoriei and the Civic Centre are hidden behind huge illuminated Coca-Cola signs.

Éric Zemmour: Le premier sexe

Denoël, 2006     Amazon.fr

Présentation de l’éditeur:

A quoi ressemble l’homme idéal? Il s’épile. Il achète des produits de beauté. Il porte des bijoux. Il rêve d’amour éternel. Il croit dur comme fer aux valeurs féminines. Il préfère le compromis à l’autorité et privilégie le dialogue, la tolérance, plutôt que la lutte. L’homme idéal est une vraie femme. Il a rendu les armes. Le poids entre ses jambes est devenu trop lourd. Certaines féministes se sont emparées de cette vacance du pouvoir, persuadées que l’égalité c’est la similitude. Aujourd’hui, les jeunes générations ont intégré cette confusion. Les fils ne rêvent que de couple et de féminisation longue durée. Ils ne veulent surtout pas être ce qu’ils sont: des garçons. Tout ce qui relève du masculin est un gros mot. Une tare. Mais la révolte gronde. Les hommes ont une identité à reprendre. Une nouvelle place à conquérir. Pour ne plus jamais dire à leurs enfants: “Tu seras une femme, mon fils.”

2e édition:

Après des décennies de féminisme forcené, que reste-t-il de l’homme? Il n’a pas disparu, non, il s’est métamorphosé. En femme. L’homme d’aujourd’hui s’épile et pouponne. Il est fidèle, sentimental, consommateur. Oublié, le macho viril, honni le Casanova à la mâle séduction, le “premier sexe” n’existe plus que de nom. Comment cela est-il arrivé? Dépoussiérant les vieux débats, pointant du doigt les faiblesses de notre société, Éric Zemmour démontre que les hommes ont une place à reconquérir.

Biographie de l’auteur:

Né en 1958, diplômé de Sciences Po, Eric Zemmour est journaliste politique et grand reporter au Figaro. Il est l’auteur de nombreux ouvrages à succès dont Petit Frère, son dernier roman, qui a déclenché une vive polémique.